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Directory of Representatives

Also referred to as a congressman or congresswoman, each representative is elected to a two-year term serving the people of a specific congressional district. The number of voting representatives in the House is fixed by law at no more than 435, proportionally representing the population of the 50 states. Currently, there are five delegates representing the District of Columbia, the Virgin Islands, Guam, American Samoa, and the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands. A resident commissioner represents Puerto Rico. Learn more about representatives at The House Explained .

Key to Room Codes

• CHOB:  Cannon House Office Building
• LHOB:  Longworth House Office Building
• RHOB:  Rayburn House Office Building
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A Note About Room Numbering

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The three primary House office buildings—Cannon, Longworth and Rayburn—share a room numbering system for above-ground rooms that might confuse visitors at first.  The system is fairly straight forward and can be used to identify most member and committee offices merely by knowing the correct room number regardless of building.

All Cannon above-ground rooms are three digits.  As you would expect, the first digit indicates the floor level.  For example, 303 Cannon is on the 3rd floor.

All above-ground Longworth rooms are four digits and start with the number 1.  The second digit from the left indicates the floor.  For example, 1309 is on the third floor of the Longworth building.

All above-ground Rayburn rooms are also four digits, but start with a 2. The second digit indicates the floor number. For example, 2125 is on the first floor of Rayburn.

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About The Committee

The Constitution gives Congress the power of the purse, 1  that is, the power to spend, collect revenue, and borrow. It does not, however, establish procedures by which Congress must consider budget-related legislation. Instead, it states that each chamber may “determine the Rules of its Proceedings.” 2  Over time, Congress has therefore developed various rules and practices to govern consideration of budgetary legislation.

The basic framework that is used today for congressional consideration of budget policy was established in the Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974 (the Budget Act). 3  This act provides for the annual adoption of a concurrent resolution on the budget as a mechanism for setting forth aggregate levels of spending, revenue, the surplus or deficit, and public debt. The Budget Act also established standing committees in both chambers of Congress with jurisdiction over, among other things, the concurrent resolution on the budget. 4  This report describes the structure and responsibilities of the Committee on the Budget in the House of Representatives.

Committee Membership and Structure

The rules of the House require that the Budget Committee’s membership be composed of five members from the Committee on Ways and Means, five members from the Committee on Appropriations, and one member from the Committee on Rules. 5  In addition, House rules require that the committee include one member designated by the majority party leadership and one member designated by the minority party leadership. 6  The Committee on Ways and Means exercises sole jurisdiction over revenue-raising matters, and the Appropriations Committee exercises sole jurisdiction over discretionary spending. Granting these committees guaranteed representation on the Budget Committee provides them with an avenue for continuing involvement with decisions affecting their committee’s jurisdiction. The Congressional Budget Act originally provided for 23 members to serve on the Budget Committee. 7  Over time, the number of Budget Committee members has varied, and is currently 39. 8

Under House rules, members of the House Budget Committee may not serve more than four in any six successive Congresses. 9  Originally, the Budget Act limited service on the Budget Committee to two in any five successive Congresses. The rotating and representational membership on the Budget Committee affords Members of the House an increased level of participation in the activities of the Budget Committee. 10  The House Democratic Caucus outlines additional term limits for its members serving on the House Budget Committee. Its rules state that no Member, other than the Member designated by leadership, shall serve more than three Congresses in any period of five successive congresses. 11  The House Republican Conference has no comparable rule.

Both Democrats and Republicans designate the Budget Committee as a nonexclusive committee. In general, this means that besides the House rule restricting any Member from serving on more than two standing committees, 12  few restrictions apply to Budget Committee members regarding their other committee assignments. 13

Although the Budget Act does not prohibit the creation of subcommittees, the Budget Committee has never had them. 14  The committee, however, sometimes establishes ad hoc task forces to study specific issues. For example, there have been task forces on such subjects as entitlements, tax policy, economic policy, and budget reform. 15

House Budget Committee Jurisdiction and Responsibilities

The jurisdiction of the House Budget Committee is derived from the Budget Act as well as House Rule X. This jurisdiction is protected under the Budget Act, which states that no bill, resolution, amendment, motion, or conference report dealing with any matter within the jurisdiction of the Budget Committee shall be considered in the House unless it is a bill or resolution that has been reported by the Budget Committee or unless it is an amendment to a bill or resolution reported by the Budget Committee. 16   House Rule X, clause 1(d) states that the Budget Committee will have jurisdiction over the concurrent resolution on the budget; other matters required to be referred to it pursuant to the Budget Act; establishment, extension, and enforcement of special controls over the federal budget; and the budget process generally.

Over the years, the duties and responsibilities of the Budget Committee have been established in statute, as well as House Rules. This report discusses the Budget Committee’s responsibilities under the following categories: the budget resolution, reconciliation, budget process reform, oversight of the Congressional Budget Office, revisions of allocations and adjustments, and scorekeeping.

The Budget Resolution

The Budget Committee is responsible for developing the annual budget resolution. The budget resolution is a mechanism for setting forth aggregate levels of spending, revenue, the deficit or surplus, and public debt. Its purpose is to create enforceable parameters within which Congress can consider legislation dealing with spending and revenue. 17  The budget resolution also often includes other matters such as reconciliation directives or procedures necessary to carry out the Budget Act. 18  The Budget Committee can use the budget resolution as a means for initiating changes in tax and spending policy, but the other House committees having jurisdiction over those issues would be responsible for any legislation that would implement those changes. So rather than drafting program- or agency-oriented legislation as most other committees do, the Budget Committee, similar to the House Rules Committee, devotes most of its time to developing the parameters within which the House may consider legislation.

In developing the budget resolution, the Budget Committee examines a budget outlook report that includes baseline budget projections presented to Congress by the Congressional Budget Office (CBO).

The Budget Committee also receives and examines the budget request submitted by the President, and then holds hearings at which they hear testimony from officials who justify and explain the President’s budget recommendations. These include the Director of the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), the Chair of the Federal Reserve Board, and secretaries of each department, as well as other presidential advisors. In addition, CBO issues a report that analyzes the President’s budget and compares it to CBO’s own economic and technical assumptions.

The Budget Committee also gathers information from the other committees of the House. The Budget Committee holds hearings at which individual Members testify. In addition, Committees each submit their “views and estimates” to the Budget Committee, providing information on the preferences and legislative plans of that committee regarding budget matters within its jurisdiction. These “views and estimates” must include an estimate of the total amount of new budget authority and budget outlays for federal programs that are anticipated for all bills and resolutions within the committee’s jurisdiction that will be effective during that fiscal year. 19  House rules require that committees submit “views and estimates” to the Budget Committee within six weeks of the President’s budget submission or at such time as the Budget Committee may request. 20

During deliberation on the budget resolution, it has been the policy of the Budget Committee to use as a starting point the baseline data prepared by CBO. 21  The Budget Committee then develops and marks up the budget resolution before reporting it to the full House. In marking up the budget resolution, the Budget Committee first considers budget aggregates, functional categories, and other appropriate matter, allowing the offering of amendments. 22  During mark-up, the Budget Committee allows subsequent amendments to be offered to aggregates, functional categories, or other appropriate matters, even if they have already been amended in their entirety. Following adoption of the aggregates, functional categories, and other appropriate matter, the text of the budget resolution is considered for amendment. At the completion of this, a final vote on reporting the budget resolution occurs.

Because the budget resolution is a concurrent resolution, once the House and Senate each adopt their own version of the budget resolution, they typically agree to go to conference to reconcile the differences between the two versions. Members of the Budget Committee represent the House in these inter-chamber negotiations. Upon agreement on a conference report, a joint explanatory statement is written to accompany the report. Within this joint explanatory statement are allocations required under Section 302(a) of the Budget Act that establish spending limits for each committee. The text of the budget resolution establishes congressional priorities by dividing spending among the 20 major functional categories of the federal budget. 23  These 20 functional categories do not correspond to the committee jurisdictions under which the House or Senate operate. As a result, the spending levels in the 20 functional categories must subsequently be allocated to the committees having jurisdiction over spending. These totals are referred to as 302(a) allocations and hold committees accountable for staying within the spending limits established by the budget resolution. Members of the conference committee and their staff work to determine appropriate 302(a) allocations to be included in the joint explanatory statement accompanying the conference report on the budget resolution.

Reconciliation

Budget resolutions sometimes include reconciliation instructions that instruct committees to develop legislation that will change current revenue or direct spending 24  laws to conform with policies established in the budget resolution. 25  The Budget Committee can choose to include this in the budget resolution that they report to the full chamber.

If the adopted budget resolution does include reconciliation instructions, committees respond by drafting legislative language to meet their specified targets. The Budget Committee is responsible for packaging “without any substantive revision” the legislative language recommended by committees into one or more reconciliation bills. If only a single committee is instructed to recommend reconciliation changes, then those changes are reported directly to the chamber without packaging by the Budget Committee.

The Budget Committee is not permitted to revise substantively the reconciliation legislation as recommended by the instructed committees, even if a committee’s recommendations do not reach the dollar levels in the reconciliation instructions included in the budget resolution. The Budget Committee, however, may sometimes collaborate with House leadership to develop alternatives that may be offered as floor amendments to the reconciliation bill.

Budget Process Reform

Since 1995, House Rules have provided that the Budget Committee shall have jurisdiction over the budget process generally. 26  This includes studying on a continuing basis proposals to improve or reform the budget process, including both singular and comprehensive changes to the budget process. These rule changes can be proposed as a provision in the budget resolution, or as a separate measure. When considering budget reform, the Budget Committee may create a task force (the Budget Committee does not have subcommittees, but sometimes creates ad hoc task forces to address specific issues) to research potential reform issues. The task force may hold hearings where they listen to testimony from current and past Members of Congress, as well as representatives from the Administration, to help determine the need for reform. For example, during the 105 th  Congress the Budget Committee created a Task Force on Budget Process, also known as the Nussle-Cardin Task Force, that examined budget reform issues. This task force held hearings and eventually released several recommendations, including making the budget resolution a joint resolution.

Although budget process reform measures or budget resolutions may include provisions that have an impact on House rules, jurisdiction over the rules of the House is under the Rules Committee. The Budget Act specifically provides that a budget resolution reported from the Budget Committee that includes any matter or procedure that would change any rule of the House would trigger a referral to the House Rules Committee. 27

Oversight of the Congressional Budget Office (CBO)

In addition to creating the House and Senate Budget Committees, the Budget Act also established the Congressional Budget Office. 28  House rules state that the Budget Committee shall be responsible for oversight of the CBO. Specifically, the rules state that the Committee shall review on a continuing basis the conduct by the CBO of its functions and duties. 29  This oversight can include hearings at which CBO’s practices are examined. For example, during the 107 th  Congress the House Budget Committee held a hearing titled, “CBO Role and Performance: Enhancing Accuracy, Reliability, and Responsiveness in Budget and Economic Estimates.” 30

The Budget Committee also plays a role in the selection of the Director of CBO. The Budget Act states that the Speaker of the House and the President pro tempore of the Senate shall appoint the Director of the CBO after receiving recommendations from the House and Senate Budget Committees. 31

Revisions and Adjustments

Provisions in individual budget resolutions, as well as the Budget Act, grant the Budget Chair (not the entire Budget Committee) the authority to revise or adjust budget levels and other matters included in the annual budget resolution in certain circumstances. For instance, Congress frequently includes provisions referred to as “reserve funds” in the annual budget resolution, which provide the chairs of the House and Senate Budget Committees the authority to adjust committee spending allocations if certain conditions are met. Typically these conditions consist of a committee reporting legislation dealing with a particular policy or an amendment dealing with that policy being offered on the floor. Once this action has taken place, the Budget Committee Chair submits the adjustment to his respective chamber.

Reserve funds frequently require that the net budgetary impact of the specified legislation be deficit neutral. Deficit-neutral reserve funds provide that a committee may report legislation with spending in excess of its allocations, but require the excess amounts be offset by equivalent reductions elsewhere. The Budget Committee Chair may then increase the committee spending allocations by the appropriate amounts to prevent a point of order under Section 302 of the Budget Act.

The Budget Committee Chair is also authorized to make adjustments to the budget resolution levels under the “fungibility rule.” 32  The “fungibility rule” applies when a committee has been instructed through reconciliation directions to develop legislation that will change both revenue and direct spending laws to conform with policies established in the budget resolution. Under this rule, the Budget Committee Chair is then authorized to submit for printing in the  Congressional Record  appropriate changes in budget resolution levels, and committee spending allocations.

The Budget Act also allows for further revisions to the budget resolution. For more information on revisions and adjustments related to the budget process, see CRS Report RL33122,  Congressional Budget Resolutions: Revisions and Adjustments , by Robert Keith.

Scorekeeping

The Budget Committee is responsible for making summary budget scorekeeping reports available to the Members of the House on at least a monthly basis. 33  Scorekeeping is the process of measuring the budgetary effects of pending and enacted legislation against the levels recommended in the budget resolution, in general to determine if proposed legislation would violate the levels set forth in the budget resolution. If a Member raises a point of order that legislation or an amendment being considered on the floor violates fiscal limits, the Parliamentarian relies on the estimates provided by the Budget Committee in the form of scorekeeping reports to advise the presiding officer regarding whether the legislative matter is out of order. 34  Similarly, if a member raises a point of order that legislation or an amendment violates Rule XXI, clause 10, known as the PAYGO rule, the Parliamentarian relies on estimates provided by the Budget Committee. 35  The Budget Committee played a similar role under certain expired budget enforcement statutes such as the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985 (also known as the Gramm-Rudman-Hollings Act) and the Budget Enforcement Act of 1990.

To assist the Budget Committee in scorekeeping, the Director of CBO is required to issue an up-to-date tabulation of congressional budget action to the Budget Committees on at least a monthly basis. Specifically, this report details and tabulates the progress of congressional action on bills and joint resolutions providing new budget authority or providing an increase or decrease in revenues or tax expenditures for each fiscal year covered by the budget resolution.

It has been the policy of the Budget Committee that its scorekeeping reports be prepared by the Budget Committee staff, transmitted to the Speaker in the form of a Parliamentarian’s Status Report, and printed in the  Congressional Record . 36

• “No money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropriations made by Law.” U.S. Constitution, Article I, Section 9. “Tress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises…. ” U.S. Constitution, Article I, Section 8. “The Congress shall have Power To… borrow Money on the Credit of the United States…. ” U.S. Constitution, Article I, Section 8.
• U.S. Constitution, Article 1, Section 5.
• Congressional Budget Act, as amended,  P.L. 93-34For a compendium of laws and rules related to the budget process, see U.S. Congress, House Committee on the Budget,  Compilation of Laws and Rules Relating to the Congressional Budget Process , committee print, 110 th  Cong., 2 nd  sess., November 30, 2008.
• As enacted, Section 101 of the Congressional Budget Act amended House Rules X and XI to establish the House Budget Committee.
• House Rule X, clause 5(a)(2)(ii) Under the Rule 16B of the House Democratic Caucus, when the Democratic Party is the majority, Democraty members will be nominated for three of the five seats reserved for Appropriations Committee members, three of the five seats reserved for Ways and Means Committee members, and at least one from the Rules Committee. When the Democratic Party is the minority, Democratic Party members will be nominated for two of the five seats reserved for Appropriations Committee members and two of the five seats reserved for Ways and Means Committee members. Rules of the Democratic Caucus, November 18, 2008. The House Republican Conference has no comparable rule.
• House Rule X, clause 5(a)(2)(ii) and (iii).
• Congressional Budget Act, as enacted, Section 101.
• For a list of members of the Budget Committee since its creation in 1974, refer to  /past-members.shtml
• House Rule X, clause 5(a)(2)(B). This rule does not count any service for less than a full session. Exceptions are made for those committers elected to serve as the chair or ranking member of the committee.
• One author has also stated that such limits were originally designed to address concerns that the Budget Committee could become too powerful if its members were able to serve many successive terms. Allen Schick,  The Federal Budget: Politics, Policy, Process , Third Edition (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2007), p. 132.
• This rule disregards any service for less than a full session. Exempt from this rule are an incumbent chair or ranking member having served on the Committee for three congresses and having served as chair or ranking member for not more than one Congress. Rule 16D. Rules of the Democratic Caucus, November 18, 2008.
• House Rule X, clause 5(b)(2).
• House Rule X, clause 5(b)(2)(A)). Both the House Democratic Caucus and Republican Conference designate exclusive committees and generally limit service to one such panel. Democratic Members of exclusive committees cannot also serve on nonexclusive committees, but they can serve on the Budget Committee. Democrats and Republicans designate nonexclusive committees and limit Members to service on two such panels, unless the House rules contain other requirements. For more information on House Committee categories and rules, see CRS Report 98-151,  House Committees: Categories and Rules for Committee Assignments , by Judy Schneider.
• Congressional Budget Act, as enacted, Section 101(b). It has been stated that since the Budget Committee’s goal is to create a comprehensive and consistent budget resolution, dividing the production of the resolution is not desirable. Allen Schick,  Congress and Money: Budgeting, Spending and Taxing  (The Urban Institute, 1980), p. 119.
• 97 th  Congress, 98 th  Congress, 99 th  Congress, and 105 th  Congress respectively. U.S. Congress, House Committee on the Budget,  United States House of Representatives Legislative Calendar, Committee in the Budget , 97 th  Cong. U.S. Congress, House Committee on the Budget,  United States House of Representatives Legislative Calendar, Committee in the Budget , 98 th  Cong. U.S. Congress, House Committee on the Budget,  United States House of Representatives Legislative Calendar, Committee in the Budget , 99 th  Cong. U.S. Congress, House Committee on the Budget,  United States House of Representatives Legislative Calendar, Committee in the Budget , 105 th Cong.
• Section 306. A standing order provides that resolutions be interpreted as applying to joint resolutions.  H.Res. 5 Section 3(a)(1), 111 th  Congress.
• For more information on the annual budget resolution, see CRS Report 98-721,  Introduction to the Federal Budget Process , by Robert Keith.
• The authority to include such matters comes from Sec 301(b) of the Congressional Budget Act, as amended,  P.L. 93-344 .
• The “views and estimates” submitted by the Ways and Means Committee must also include a specific recommendation as to the appropriate level of the public debt that should be set forth in the budget resolution. House Rule X, clause 4(f)(1).
• House Rule X, clause 4(f)(1).
• Rule 9, U.S. Congress, House Committee on the Budget,  Rule of procedure of the Committee on the Budget, 2009-2010 , committee print, 111 th  Cong. (Washington: GPO, 2009). Available at  /hbc-111th-rules.pdf .
• Unless otherwise determined by the committee. Ibid.
• The budget resolution for FY2010,  S.Con.Res. 13 , had an additional functional category for overseas deployments of the military bringing the total to 21 major functional categories.
• Direct spending is provided for in legislation outside of appropriations acts and is typically established in permanent law that continues in effect until such time as it is revised or terminated by another law.
• For more information on the reconciliation process, see CRS Report 98-814,  Budget Reconciliation Legislation: Development and Consideration , by Bill Heniff Jr.
• Rule X, clause 1(e)(2). This provision was added to House Rules in the 104 th  Congress (1995-1996). Prior to the rules changes made in the 104 th  Congress, the Budget Committee’s jurisdiction over the budget process was generally limited to the Budget Act and budget enforcement matters. Jurisdiction over the budget process generally was shared jointly by the House Government Operations Committee and the House Rules Committee. This rules change, in conjunction with “statements of understanding” between the committees, altered the jurisdiction of the Budget Committee.
• 301(c), The Congressional Budget Act,  P.L. 93-344 . This was added by the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985, also referred to as the Gramm-Rudman-Hollings Act, (Title II  P.L. 99-177 ), to clarify that jurisdiction over the rules of the House rested solely with the Rules Committee.
• Title II, Congressional Budget Act as amended,  P.L. 93-344 . For more information on the Congressional Budget Office, see  http://www.cbo.gov/ .
• House Rule X, clause 4(b)(1).
• For more information on the hearing, see  https://archive.org/details/gov.gpo.fdsys.CHRG-107hhrg79481 .
• Congressional Budget Act as amended, Section 201. For more information on the appointment of the Director of the CBO, see CRS Report RL31880,  Congressional Budget Office: Appointment and Tenure of the Director and Deputy Director , by Robert Keith and Mary Frances Bley.
• Section 310(c), Congressional Budget Act, as amended,  P.L. 93-344 .
• For more information on scorekeeping, see CRS Report 98-560,  Baselines and Scorekeeping in the Federal Budget Process , by Bill Heniff Jr.
• Section 312(a), Congressional Budget Act, as amended,  P.L. 93-344 .
• Rule XXI, clause 10(a)2 states that the effect of such measure on the deficit or surplus shall be determined on the basis of estimates made by the Committee on the Budget relative to baseline estimates supplied by the Congressional Budget Office consistent with section 257 of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985.
• Rule 26,  Rules of Procedure of the Committee on the Budget , 111 th  Congress, 2009-2010.

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• Copy URL https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/heres-what-the-speaker-of-the-house-actually-does

Here’s what the speaker of the House actually does

Second in the line of presidential succession after the vice president, the speaker of the House occupies a central role in our national government. But what is it that a speaker actually does?

Most people think the speakership is a party office. It’s not . The speaker is selected by the full House membership, though the majority party’s voting power ensures that the role is occupied by one of their own.

From legislation to accounting

The speaker fills three primary roles.

First, they are the most visible and authoritative spokesperson for the majority party in the House. Speakers articulate an agenda and explain legislative action to other Washington officials as well as the public. They oversee House committee assignments and collaborate with the powerful House Rules Committee to structure floor debate.

WATCH LIVE: House resumes 2nd day of voting on next speaker after McCarthy falls short of majority

Second, the speaker manages business on the floor and navigates legislative rules, structuring House debate in a way that will advantage their legislative priorities. Adherence to strict rules and procedures is necessary to overcome the difficulty of managing a large legislative body like the House of Representatives.

Third, the speaker oversees everything from accounting to procurement for the House.

Power ebbed and flowed

During the republic’s early years, the speakership gradually gained power. By 1910, Speaker Joe Cannon had centralized power to such an extent that many of his own party members rebelled . Power was redistributed to committees and lower-level party leaders.

By the 1970s, committees had gained such control over legislative outcomes that widespread reforms were adopted, which shifted power back to the speaker.

From 1977 to 1995, three successive Democratic speakers – Thomas “Tip” O’Neill , Jim Wright and Tom Foley – reinvigorated the speakership. They enlarged the party leadership structure, creating wider networks of loyalty among members of the majority party while strengthening support for their priorities.

READ MORE: How the speaker of the House gets picked

Today, the role of the speaker is influenced especially by changes instituted by Speaker Newt Gingrich , who took the gavel after the 1994 elections.

Gingrich, a Republican, was overtly partisan in the role. He announced that, compared with past speakers , he was “essentially a political leader of a grassroots movement seeking to do nothing less than reshape the federal government along with the political culture of the nation.”

Since Gingrich’s tenure, speakers are often criticized as too partisan and too powerful, trampling minority party interests. But this is the nature of the job in today’s Washington.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article .

Rachel Paine Caufield is a professor of political science at Drake University.

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House Republicans spar over Speaker decision as McCarthy fights to secure votes

Politics Jan 02

What the 21 McCarthy holdouts got in committee assignments

WASHINGTON — The 21 House Republicans who initially blocked Rep. Kevin McCarthy from winning the speakership had demanded big changes to House rules, but they also wanted more influence on the congressional committees that will set the GOP agenda over the next two years.

While not every holdout got exactly what he or she had asked for, some won plum committee assignments from McCarthy, R-Calif., and his allies after they helped him secure the speaker's gavel , a process that took 15 rounds of voting.

As part of his deal with detractors, McCarthy named three conservative rabble rousers — Reps. Chip Roy of Texas, Ralph Norman of South Carolina and Thomas Massie of Kentucky — to the influential Rules Committee, which decides how exactly bills come to the House floor.

Here's what we know so far:

• Rep. Andy Biggs of Arizona , a former head of the Freedom Caucus and one of the five so-called Never Kevins , will keep his spots on the powerful Judiciary and Oversight committees. He was also named chairman of Judiciary's subcommittee on Crime and Federal Government Surveillance. Biggs changed his vote to "present" on the final ballot for speaker, helping push McCarthy over the finish line.
• Rep. Dan Bishop of North Carolina , one of 13 holdouts who flipped to back McCarthy on the 12th ballot, will continue to serve on both the Judiciary and Homeland Security committees. McCarthy also named Bishop to Judiciary's new subcommittee on the "Weaponization of the Federal Government."
• Rep. Lauren Boebert of Colorado , a vocal McCarthy critic who voted "present" on the 14th and 15th ballots, was awarded a seat on the Oversight and Accountability Committee, which plans to launch numerous investigations into the Biden administration. She will continue to serve on the Natural Resources panel, on which she served in the previous Congress.
• Freshman Rep. Josh Brecheen of Oklahoma , who flipped to McCarthy on the 12th ballot, won seats on the Homeland Security Committee and Budget committees.
• Rep. Mike Cloud of Texas , who also flipped to McCarthy on the 12th ballot, won a new seat on the powerful Appropriations Committee, which controls federal spending. McCarthy also named him to the new select committee investigating the origins of the Covid pandemic.
• Rep. Andrew Clyde of Georgia , another lawmaker who flipped to McCarthy on the 12th ballot, will serve for the first time on Appropriations.
• Freshman Rep. Eli Crane of Arizona , who voted "present" on the 15th ballot, will serve on the Homeland Security Committee.
• Rep. Byron Donalds of Florida , who was nominated to run against McCarthy for speaker and flipped to him on the 12th ballot, was named by McCarthy as the "speaker's designee" on the influential Steering Committee, which decides which lawmakers get committee gavels and seats. Donalds also won a coveted spot on the Financial Services Committee, a top panel known on Capitol Hill as an "A" committee.
• Rep. Matt Gaetz of Florida , perhaps the most vocal McCarthy foe during the speaker fight, who flipped to "present" in the 14th round, will continue to serve on the Judiciary panel and was appointed by McCarthy to the new weaponization subcommittee .
• Rep. Bob Good of Virginia , one of the Never Kevins who flipped to "present" in the last round of voting, will serve on the Budget and Education and Workforce committees.
• Rep. Paul Gosar of Arizona , who flipped to McCarthy on the 12th ballot, was reinstated by Republicans on two committees —Oversight and Natural Resources panels — after Democrats removed him two years ago for posting threats to lawmakers on social media. He was named chairman of the Natural Resources subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations.
• Rep. Andy Harris of Maryland , who flipped to McCarthy on the 13th ballot, will continue to serve on the Appropriations panel. Harris, a physician, will be the chairman of the Agriculture, Rural Development, Food and Drug Administration subcommittee.
• Freshman Rep. Anna Paulina Luna of Florida , who flipped to McCarthy on the 12th ballot, won a seats on the Oversight and Natural Resources panels.
• Rep. Mary Miller of Illinois , who flipped to McCarthy on the 12th ballot, will remain on the Agriculture Committee.
• Rep. Ralph Norman of South Carolina , one of the Never Kevins who flipped to McCarthy on the 12th ballot, was named by the speaker as one of nine Republicans on the Rules Committee. Norman also will remain on the Financial Services panel, which he joined in June, and will serve on the Budget Committee too.
• Freshman Rep. Andy Ogles of Tennessee , who flipped to McCarthy on the 12th ballot, also won a seat on Financial Services.
• Rep. Scott Perry of Pennsylvania , the chairman of the far-right House Freedom Caucus who brokered a deal between conservatives and McCarthy, will remain on the Foreign Affairs Committee. A subject of Jan. 6 investigations , Perry won a new seat on the Oversight committee.
• Rep. Matt Rosendale of Montana , a Never Kevin who flipped to "present" on the final ballot, will continue to serve on Natural Resources.
• Rep. Chip Roy of Texas , who along with Perry helped negotiate a deal with McCarthy, was tapped to serve on the Budget committee and the influential Rules Committee. Roy will also keep his seat on the Judiciary panel.
• Freshman Rep. Keith Self, R-Texas , who flipped to McCarthy on the 12th ballot, will serve on the Foreign Affairs panel.
• Rep. Victoria Spartz of Indiana , who flipped from "present" to vote for McCarthy on the 12th ballot, will continue to serve on the Judiciary panel.

In addition to committee assignments, McCarthy had made other concessions to his right flank.

In the package of rules changes McCarthy and the Freedom Caucus negotiated for the 118th Congress was a provision allowing a single lawmaker to force a floor vote to oust McCarthy as speaker. They also agreed to make it harder to raise federal spending, taxes and the debt ceiling, and to create select committees to investigate the Chinese Communist Party and the "weaponization of the federal government."

Some Freedom Caucus members who stuck with McCarthy from the very start also did well for themselves. Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga., a McCarthy ally whom Democrats stripped of her committee assignments two years ago, won seats on the Oversight and Homeland Security committees.

Meanwhile, Rep. Warren Davidson of Ohio, a Freedom Caucus member who nominated McCarthy on the fifth ballot , was named chairman of the Financial Services subcommittee on Housing and Insurance.

Scott Wong is a senior congressional reporter for NBC News.

Kyle Stewart is an associate producer covering Congress for NBC News.

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Rep. George Santos voluntarily steps down from House committee assignments

Barbara Sprunt

Rep. George Santos, R-N.Y., leaves a House GOP conference meeting in Washington, D.C., on Jan. 25, 2023. Devin Speak/NPR hide caption

Rep. George Santos, R-N.Y., leaves a House GOP conference meeting in Washington, D.C., on Jan. 25, 2023.

Embattled New York Republican Rep. George Santos is voluntarily stepping down from his committee assignments amid outcry over his fabricated biography and ongoing questions about his personal and campaign finances.

"With the ongoing attention surrounding both my personal and campaign financial investigations, I have submitted a request to Speaker McCarthy that I be temporarily recused from my committee assignments until I am cleared," Santos said in a statement.

Santos later told reporters he was confident he would be cleared "because I have nothing to hide."

Santos had previously been placed on the Science, Space and Technology Committee and the Small Business Committee.

His dog was dying, and he needed help. He says he ended up swindled by George Santos

Texas Rep. Roger Williams, who chairs the latter committee, said he understood from Santos that the move is temporary.

"There's a threshold that he feels like [where] he's not the issue anymore and when he hits that, it sounds like he wants to get back on committees and get going," Williams told reporters.

He added Santos' withdrawal came as a surprise but he supports the decision.

"For a while, the question I was getting asked by [the press] is 'Where you gonna put him? Can he do this?' - it became about him," Williams said. "It's not about him. It's about our committee and we have so much to do and when he gets ready to get back on and he's met the thresholds that he's set or whatever, then let's go."

Georgia Republican Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene called Santos' move "bold" as she left the GOP's weekly closed-door conference meeting Tuesday morning.

"He just felt like that there is so much drama really over the situation," she said.

"Mr. Santos' statement in there was just saying that he spoke with Speaker McCarthy and made this decision on his own," Greene added.

There are ongoing calls for Santos to resign

Several Republican members of the House as well as Republicans in his New York district have called on Santos to resign. Santos did not take questions from NPR Tuesday morning but has repeatedly said he has no plans to resign.

Rep. Ritchie Torres, D-N.Y. had previously pushed for an ethics review of Santos.

"Half-measures like voluntarily taking himself off his committee assignments are not good enough for the people of New York's third congressional district, or for the American people," Torres said in a statement. "He was a disgrace yesterday. He's a disgrace today. And he'll be a disgrace tomorrow. He should resign from office immediately."

New York GOP leader calls accusation of faked bio for new GOP House member 'serious'

Nassau County GOP Chairman Joseph Cairo recently called Santos' run for office a "campaign of deceit, lies, and fabrication."

"He has no place in the Nassau County Republican Committee, nor should he serve in public service or as an elected official," he said. "He's not welcome here at Republican headquarters for meetings or at any of our events."

Santos, who won an open congressional seat held by a Democrat in November, came under fire for reports he deceived voters with an extensively fabricated biography, including false claims about his Jewish heritage and imagined story about his family escaping the Holocaust. Santos has previously admitted to making some "mistakes," but maintains that he is not "a fraud or a fake."

An investigation from The New York Times couldn't substantiate many of Santos' claims, including his graduation from Baruch College and his work for Goldman Sachs and Citigroup.

Questions have also emerged as to the source of $700,000 that Santos claimed to loan his campaign in 2022, just two years after filing a financial disclosure report indicating he had no major assets.

House Speaker Kevin McCarthy said earlier this month that although Santos has "a long way to go to earn trust," he would remain in Congress.

"The voters have elected George Santos," McCarthy said during an early January press conference. "If there is a concern, he will go through ethics. If there is something that is found, he will be dealt with in that manner."

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Committee Assignments & Caucuses

Rep. Adam Schiff currently serves as a member of the House Judiciary Committee. Prior to this assignment, Schiff was on the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence from 2011-2012 as a rank and file member, Ranking Member from 2015-2018, and Chairman from 2019-2022.

In addition, he also served as a member of the House International Relations Committee from 2001 to 2006, the House Judiciary Committee from 2001 to 2011, and the House Committee on Appropriations from 2013 to 2015. 

House Judiciary Committee

Rep. Adam Schiff currently serves as a member of the House Judiciary Committee. The Committee oversees the administration of justice within our nation's federal courts, federal administrative agencies, and federal law enforcement.

Caucuses and Working Groups

During his time in Congress, Rep. Adam Schiff has founded several caucuses to advance policy and regional legislative priorities.

Schiff is a founder and co-chair of the International Creativity and Theft-Prevention Caucus, a bipartisan group of House and Senate lawmakers dedicated to working with America’s international trade partners to secure the enactment of strong copyright laws and the vigilant enforcement of those laws. The Caucus is currently chaired by Reps. Schiff and Bob Goodlatte (R-VA) and Senators Orrin Hatch (R-UT) and Sheldon Whitehouse (D-RI).

In 2006, Schiff co-founded the Congressional Caucus for Freedom of the Press in May 2006, a bipartisan, bicameral caucus. The Freedom of the Press Caucus aims to advance press freedom around the world by creating a forum to combat and condemn media censorship and the persecution of journalists around the world.

Schiff is also founder and co-chair of the Congressional Caucus on the Judicial Branch, a bipartisan caucus dedicated to facilitating better communication between Congress and the federal judiciary. He co-chairs the Caucus with his colleague Rep. Lamar Smith (R-TX).

Along with Rep. Jeff Fortenberry (R-NE), Schiff co-chairs a bipartisan study group on nuclear security. The working group focuses on the full range of issues related to nuclear material and meets with experts on a range of topics – from civilian uses and storage problems to nuclear weapons and the security of nuclear material that could fall into the hands of terrorists.

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Congressman Gabe Amo gets committee assignment following swearing-in

by NBC 10 NEWS

(WJAR) — Congressman Gabe Amo was officially sworn into office on Monday and got his first committee assignment.

Democratic Leader Hakeem Jeffries announced Monday that Amo would serve on the House Committee on Foreign Affairs.

Jeffries mentioned Amo’s heritage and his time with the Biden administration as pluses for the assignment.

• ALSO READ: Rep. Gabe Amo, the first Black representative from Rhode Island in Congress, is sworn into office

He said Amo would bring a “unique perspective” to the committee.

Rep. Amo is the first Black member of Congress from Rhode Island.

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Former KU football standout Kyle McNorton was elected to the Statehouse by a Republican caucus Saturday. (Credit: Kyle McNorton, JJGoldbond/Getty Images)

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House rejects effort to censure Rashida Tlaib over the Palestinian-American’s rhetoric about Israel

This combo image shows Rep. Rashida Tlaib, D-Mich., Feb. 18, 2022, left, and Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga., May 18, 2023, right. The House is expected to consider resolutions that would censure Tlaib and Greene in a partisan tit-for-tat over inflammatory rhetoric. (AP Photo/File)

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WASHINGTON (AP) — The House late Wednesday rejected an effort to censure Democratic Rashida Tlaib of Michigan, scrapping a Republican attempt to condemn the only Palestinian-American in Congress over her recent rhetoric around the ongoing Israel-Hamas war.

A measure to move forward with a censure resolution of Tlaib, a punishment one step below expulsion from the House, was dismissed with broad bipartisan support as both parties raised concerns about violating First Amendment rights.

A Democratic effort to in turn censure Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga., who had sponsored the Tlaib resolution, was called off in response.

The scheduled votes were among the House’s first acts of business after a nearly monthlong gridlock caused by the removal of Republican Rep. Kevin McCarthy of California as speaker.

The agenda of retribution reflects the growing divisiveness of the House, where severe forms of punishment that had long been viewed as an option of last resort , to be triggered only for the most egregious wrongdoing, are quickly becoming routine, often wielded in strikingly partisan ways. While the censure itself carries no practical effect, it leaves a historic footnote that marks a lawmaker’s career.

Greene introduced a censure resolution last week against Tlaib, one of two Muslims in Congress. The resolution accuses Tlaib of “antisemitic activity” after she voiced concern over America’s continued role in supplying arms to Israel as it engages in a bloody battle with Hamas following Hamas’ deadly Oct. 7 surprise attack .

Greene also falsely accused Tlaib of “leading an insurrection” in the Capitol complex when she participated in a pro-Gaza rally organized by Jewish advocacy groups last month.

Tlaib called Greene’s resolution “unhinged” and said it’s “deeply Islamophobic and attacks peaceful Jewish anti-war advocates.”

In response to Greene’s resolution, House Democrats, led by Rep. Becca Balint of Vermont, introduced a resolution censuring Greene for what they called her record of “racist rhetoric and conspiracy theories.” Balint said Greene’s resolution to censure Tlaib “is an overt Islamophobic attack on the only Palestinian-American member of Congress.”

Greene has not commented on the resolution to censure her but criticized the dozens of Republicans who voted against moving the Tlaib measure forward.

The vote on Wednesday evening comes as the chamber returns to normal legislative business for the first time in weeks. The abrupt ouster of McCarthy on Oct. 4 brought the House to a standstill, pausing legislative work on the floor, as Republicans struggled over who should replace him.

Now that Speaker Mike Johnson is in charge of the House, following his election to the top position last week, he inherits one of the problems that often afflicted McCarthy: difficulty controlling what happens on the House floor.

Both of the censure resolutions are “privileged,” which is a procedural tool lawmakers can use to bypass leadership and committees and force votes in the House. The stigma around privileged resolutions has eroded, leading more lawmakers to deploy the tactic.

A group of Republicans from New York, for instance, is set to force a separate vote on whether to expel indicted Rep. George Santos from the House. Santos, a fellow New York Republican, is facing federal prosecution on several charges and has pleaded not guilty .

If the resolutions had passed, Greene and Tlaib would have joined a small but growing group of lawmakers who have been censured in the last 20 years.

In June, Republicans voted to censure Democrat Adam Schiff of California for comments he made several years ago about investigations into then-President Donald Trump’s ties to Russia. When the House was under Democratic control, Republican Rep. Paul Gosar of Arizona was censured in 2021 for tweeting an animated video that depicted him striking Democratic Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York with a sword. And Democratic Rep. Charlie Rangel of New York was censured in 2010 over serious financial and campaign misconduct.

The House in recent years has also sought to punish members for their words and actions by removing them from their respective committee assignments.

Earlier this year, the House stripped Democratic Minnesota Rep. Ilhan Omar , who’s the other Muslim member of Congress, from her committee assignment on Foreign Affairs for her rhetoric about Israel. And in 2021, Democrats in the majority punished Greene, holding a vote that stripped her of all of her committee assignments for spreading hateful and violent conspiracy theories .

House votes to table censure resolution against Rep. Rashida Tlaib

The House on Wednesday voted to table an effort to censure Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.) over her comments and actions related to the Israel-Gaza war .

Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) introduced the resolution against Tlaib “for antisemitic activity, sympathizing with terrorist organizations, and leading an insurrection at the U.S. Capitol complex,” in reference to Tlaib’s participation in a protest organized by Jewish advocacy groups demanding an immediate cease-fire in Gaza. Tlaib, the only Palestinian American member of the House, was one of 10 lawmakers to oppose a resolution last week condemning Hamas and voicing support for Israel. She called Greene’s resolution “unhinged” and “deeply Islamophobic.”

Hours later after Greene introduced the resolution last week, Rep. Becca Balint (D-Vt.) moved her own resolution against Greene, saying she should be censured for fanning “the flames of racism, antisemitism, hate speech against the LGBTQ community, Islamophobia, Asian hate, xenophobia, and other forms of hatred.” The House was expected to also vote on that resolution Wednesday, but Balint pulled the resolution from consideration.

After the Tlaib censure vote on Wednesday evening, Balint said in a statement that she is going to “hold back” on a vote to censure Greene “for now.” Balint also thanked Republicans who voted against censuring Tlaib “for doing the right thing.”

Both resolutions were introduced last week, just after new House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) was elected. The censure is a formal vote by the House to disapprove of a fellow member’s conduct, with that member often standing in the well of the chamber and listening to the House speaker read aloud the censure resolution.

The Republicans who opposed censuring Tlaib came from a broad cross-spectrum of the caucus, from staunch conservatives such as Reps. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) and Richard McCormick (R-Ga.) to swing-district lawmakers such as Rep. Mariannette Miller-Meeks (R-Iowa).

McCormick said Wednesday night that while he agreed with Greene that Tlaib’s words and actions were “egregious,” he didn’t think the language in the censure resolution — accusing her of leading an insurrection — was accurate.

“I don’t think that Congresswoman Tlaib was violent. I don’t think that she was trying to overthrow a government,” McCormick said in a video posted to X, formerly known as Twitter.

After Wednesday’s vote, Greene posted on X lists of Republicans who voted against censuring Tlaib, calling them “feckless” and “PATHETIC.” She also listed the Republicans who did not vote at all.

Censure is often reserved for serious violations of House behavioral codes in situations when a member’s actions aren’t severe enough to merit expulsion. Stripping committee assignments is sometimes attached to the punishment.

This is not the first time Greene, who was first elected to Congress in 2020, has faced possible censure and other reprimands over her comments and actions. Shortly after she was sworn in, Greene was stripped of her congressional committee assignments for her past support of political violence and a history of antisemitic and racist remarks. She was given her committee assignments again after Rep. Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) became House speaker.

Republicans have also hit back with efforts to censure Democrats with whom they have sharply disagreed. In June, the House passed a measure to censure Rep. Adam B. Schiff (D-Calif.) for pressing allegations that Donald Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign colluded with Russia, a week after a first attempt to censure Schiff was blocked. That vote fell largely along party lines, with six Republicans voting “present” — including all GOP members of the Ethics Committee.

Paul Kane, Marianna Sotomayor and Mariana Alfaro contributed to this report.

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• anti-Republican
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• Secretary of State
• the Articles of Confederation
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Translations of House Committee

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be no reasoning with someone

If there is no reasoning with someone, it is impossible to persuade that person to change their opinions or actions.

Reunions and housewarmings (Words for different parties)

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Free Speech on College Campuses

The House Judiciary Committee will hold a hearing on Wednesday, November 8, 2023, at 10:00 a.m. ET. The hearing, "Free Speech on College Campuses," will examine the current state of the First Amendment on the campuses of American colleges and universities. The hearing will also examine the rise in antisemitism, anti-Israel sentiment, and violence towards students supporting Israel. 

• Jasmyn Jordan, current student, University of Iowa; chairwoman, Iowa Young Americans for Freedom - testimony
• Amanda Silberstein, current student, Cornell University; board member, Chabad Cornell - testimony
• Kenneth Marcus, founder and chairman, Louis D. Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under Law; Distinguished Senior Fellow, Center for Liberty & Law at George Mason University's Antonin Scalia Law School - testimony
• Connor Ogrydziak, recent graduate, University of Buffalo; former chairman, University of Buffalo Young Americans for  Freedom - testimony
• Pamela Nadell, Professor and Director, Jewish Studies Program, American University - testimony
• Stacy Burdett, Independent  Expert on Antisemitism - testimony

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Rashida Tlaib censured by Congress. What does censure mean?

By Kathryn Watson

Updated on: November 8, 2023 / 3:42 PM EST / CBS News

In bipartisan fashion, the House of Representatives voted to censure Michigan's Democratic Rep. Rashida Tlaib as she continued to defend comments widely considered as calling for Israel's elimination. 

Twenty-two Democrats joined Republicans in a 234-188 vote late Tuesday , after Tlaib — the only Palestinian-American member of Congress — posted a video of Michigan protesters chanting "from the river to the sea," part of a chant condemned by Jewish groups and the Anti-Defamation Legue as antisemitic. 

But what does it mean to be censured in the House of Representatives and what effect does it have?

What is a censure?

A censure, according to the U.S. House , is a form of rebuke that "registers the House's deep disapproval of member misconduct that, nevertheless, does not meet the threshold for expulsion." 

Generally, a censure is a condemnation of a member's actions, statements or a combination of the two. It requires only a majority of members of the House to pass. 

Upon approval by the majority, the censured lawmaker is supposed to stand in the well of the House chamber while the presiding officer reads the censure resolution. Tlaib was not required to stand in the well

A censure is viewed as more serious than a "reprimand," which is another resolution House members can bring to the floor to punish fellow members. 

Does censure come with any punishment?

No. A censure doesn't result in the removal of a member from any committees or hamper his or her authority as a lawmaker in any way. 

What is the history of censure in Congress?

Twenty-six members have been censured in the history of the House after Tlaib's censure, for everything from bribery to sexual misconduct with a House page.

In 2021, for instance, GOP Rep. Paul Gosar was censured for posting an anime video depicting himself killing Democratic Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and President Biden. 

Democrats tried to censure Rep. George Santos , who has been charged with conspiracy, false statements, wire fraud, falsification of records, aggravated identity theft and credit card fraud. The effort failed. 

The first censure ever recorded was of Rep. William Stanbery in 1832 for insulting then-House Speaker Andrew Stevenson during a floor debate. The insult? Stanbery said that the speaker's eye might be "too frequently turned from the chair you occupy toward the White House." 

Only five House members have ever been expelled, a move that requires two-thirds support.

— Caitlin Yilek contributed to this report 

Kathryn Watson is a politics reporter for CBS News Digital based in Washington, D.C.

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