sociological research on work

Subject List
Take a Tour
For Authors
Subscriber Services
Publications
African American Studies
African Studies
American Literature
Anthropology
Architecture Planning and Preservation
Art History
Atlantic History
Biblical Studies
British and Irish Literature
Childhood Studies
Chinese Studies
Cinema and Media Studies
Communication
Criminology
Environmental Science
Evolutionary Biology
International Law
International Relations
Islamic Studies
Jewish Studies
Latin American Studies
Latino Studies
Linguistics
Literary and Critical Theory
Medieval Studies
Military History
Political Science
Public Health
Renaissance and Reformation
Social Work
Urban Studies
Victorian Literature
Browse All Subjects

How to Subscribe

Free Trials

In This Article Expand or collapse the "in this article" section Work/Life Balance

Introduction, work–life conflict outcomes.

Workplace Culture and Professional Workers
Gender and Work–Life Balance
Formal and Informal Employer Arrangements in Support of Work–life Balance
Gendered Welfare Regimes
Factors Influencing Use of Policies
New Directions in Work–Life Balance Research

Other Subject Areas

Forthcoming articles expand or collapse the "forthcoming articles" section.

Consumer Credit and Debt
Global Inequalities
LGBTQ+ Spaces
Find more forthcoming articles...
Export Citations
Share This Facebook LinkedIn Twitter

Work/Life Balance by Misun Lim , Joya Misra LAST REVIEWED: 19 November 2020 LAST MODIFIED: 27 March 2019 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756384-0218

There are many different ways to define work–life balance. Some scholars emphasize that work–life balance requires balancing demands of both paid work and family responsibilities or maximizing satisfaction by minimizing conflict between paid work and family responsibilities. Others view work–life balance as encompassing the way that boundaries blur between work, family, and leisure time. In attempting to address work–life balance, workers are generally trying to preserve both quality of life, and potential for career advancements, while employers are trying to preserve high productivity and reduce worker turnover. Although the term “work–life balance” is widely used, alternative terms are also employed, such as work–family balance, work–life integration, work–life harmonization, or work–life articulation. Research on attempts to manage paid work along with family and other parts of life has been carried out for decades. Yet this scholarship has exploded in the last two decades, particularly as middle-class women have increased their workforce participation, but also work is being carried out during nonstandard hours, technology is creating more permeability between work and home, and union protections have been weakened. Work–life balance efforts may lead to poor-quality jobs in terms of earnings, job security, working time and promotion opportunities, rather than long-term quality employment over the life course that allows for leisure and family time. Research on work–life balance should take structural, rather than individual approaches, to consider workplace cultures, including by occupation and gender inequality, and recognize the different assumptions underlying policies aimed at addressing work–life balance.

Over the past several decades, in many contexts, work demands have increased. With changes in technology, workers are also more likely to bring work home. Yet, lack of work–life balance leads to a wide variety of negative outcomes for both life and work. For example, Hill, et al. 2001 finds that a lack of work life balance may mean less engagement in family relationships, including close ties with children, higher marital discord, higher rates of depression and alcohol or drug abuse, and lower quality of life. At the same time, studies suggest that a lack of work–life balance may lead to increased absenteeism, lower job satisfaction, lower loyalty, higher turnover, and increases in psychological distress that spillover and affect productivity. These include Hill, et al. 2001 ; James 2014 ; Pocock and Charlesworth 2017 ; and Roehling, et al. 2001 . Hobson and Fahlén 2009 suggests that most men and women in wealthy countries identify work–life balance as critical in assessing job opportunities. According to Aryee, et al. 2005 ; Hegewisch and Gornick 2011 ; and Lewis, et al. 2007 , strategies for better work–life balance may affect not only outcomes for individuals but contribute to societal level outcomes, such as improved gender parity in employment and wages, reduced poverty and inequality, improved fertility and infant health, and increased productivity. Overall, research suggests that work–life balance is important for both improved work and life outcomes, as well as improved societal outcomes.

Aryee, S., E. S. Srinivas, and H. H. Tan. 2005. Rhythms of life: Antecedents and outcomes of work–family balance in employed parents. Journal of Applied Psychology 90.1: 132–146.

DOI: 10.1037/0021-9010.90.1.132

This study examines work–family balance among employed parents in India. Findings suggest that work–family facilitation increases workers’ job satisfaction and commitment to their organizations.

Hegewisch, A., and J. C. Gornick. 2011. The impact of work–family policies on women’s employment: A review of research from OECD countries. Community, Work & Family 14.2: 119–138.

DOI: 10.1080/13668803.2011.571395

A review article that focuses on OECD countries’ leave policies, flexible work, and childcare support.

Hill, E. J., A. J. Hawkins, M. Ferris, and M. Weitzman. 2001. Finding an extra day a week: The positive influence of perceived job flexibility on work and family life balance. Family Relations 50.1: 49–58.

DOI: 10.1111/j.1741-3729.2001.00049.x

This study finds that greater job flexibility in timing and work location can decrease workers’ stress related to work–life balance.

Hobson, B., and S. Fahlén. 2009. Competing scenarios for European fathers: Applying Sen’s capabilities and agency framework to work–family balance. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 624.1: 214–233.

DOI: 10.1177/0002716209334435

Analysis of European policy and work–family balance discourse among fathers. Findings suggest that there is a gap between old and new European Union member states in terms of father’s abilities to engage in care and achieve a work–life balance.

James, A. 2014. Work–life “balance,” recession and the gendered limits to learning and innovation (or, why it pays employers to care). Gender, Work & Organization 21.3: 273–294.

DOI: 10.1111/gwao.12037

Research on IT workers in the United Kingdom identifies the positive effects for employers that provide meaningful work–life balance provisions. Firms appear to benefit by enhancing learning and innovation by adopting work–life balance policies.

Lewis, S., R. Gambles, and R. Rapoport. 2007. The constraints of a “work–life balance” approach: An international perspective. International Journal of Human Resource Management 18.3: 360–373.

DOI: 10.1080/09585190601165577

This study shows the history and current context of work–life balance discourse in most industrialized countries and how the work–life balance discourse need to be framed both historically and culturally.

Pocock, B., and S. Charlesworth. 2017. Multilevel work–family interventions: Creating good-quality employment over the life course. Work and Occupations 44.1: 23–46.

DOI: 10.1177/0730888415619218

Focusing on work–family balance policies in Australia, this study points out the fact that family-friendly jobs are mostly poor quality employment. Work–family interventions should create good-quality jobs for working carers over their life course.

Roehling, P. V., M. V. Roehling, and P. Moen. 2001. The relationship between work–life policies and practices and employee loyalty: A life course perspective. Journal of Family and Economic Issues 22.2: 141–170.

DOI: 10.1023/A:1016630229628

Analyzes the relationship between work–life policies such as childcare and flextime, informal support via supervisors and co-workers, and employee loyalty over the life-course among US workers. Informal support and flextime have positive relationships to loyalty; the effect of childcare varies by gender and over the life course.

Users without a subscription are not able to see the full content on this page. Please subscribe or login .

Oxford Bibliographies Online is available by subscription and perpetual access to institutions. For more information or to contact an Oxford Sales Representative click here .

About Sociology »
Meet the Editorial Board »
Actor-Network Theory
Adolescence
African Americans
African Societies
Agent-Based Modeling
Analysis, Spatial
Analysis, World-Systems
Anomie and Strain Theory
Arab Spring, Mobilization, and Contentious Politics in the...
Asian Americans
Assimilation
Authority and Work
Bell, Daniel
Biosociology
Bourdieu, Pierre
Catholicism
Causal Inference
Chicago School of Sociology
Chinese Cultural Revolution
Chinese Society
Citizenship
Civil Rights
Civil Society
Cognitive Sociology
Cohort Analysis
Collective Efficacy
Collective Memory
Comparative Historical Sociology
Comte, Auguste
Conflict Theory
Conservatism
Consumer Culture
Consumption
Contingent Work
Conversation Analysis
Corrections
Cosmopolitanism
Crime, Cities and
Cultural Capital
Cultural Classification and Codes
Cultural Economy
Cultural Omnivorousness
Cultural Production and Circulation
Culture and Networks
Culture, Sociology of
Development
Discrimination
Doing Gender
Du Bois, W.E.B.
Durkheim, Émile
Economic Institutions and Institutional Change
Economic Sociology
Education and Health
Education Policy in the United States
Educational Policy and Race
Empires and Colonialism
Entrepreneurship
Environmental Sociology
Epistemology
Ethnic Enclaves
Ethnomethodology and Conversation Analysis
Exchange Theory
Families, Postmodern
Feminist Theory
Field, Bourdieu's Concept of
Forced Migration
Foucault, Michel
Frankfurt School
Gender and Bodies
Gender and Crime
Gender and Education
Gender and Health
Gender and Incarceration
Gender and Professions
Gender and Social Movements
Gender Pay Gap
Gender, Sexuality, and Migration
Gender Stratification
Gender, Welfare Policy and
Gendered Sexuality
Gentrification
Gerontology
Globalization and Labor
Goffman, Erving
Historic Preservation
Human Trafficking
Immigration
Indian Society, Contemporary
Institutions
Intellectuals
Intersectionalities
Interview Methodology
Job Quality
Knowledge, Critical Sociology of
Labor Markets
Latino/Latina Studies
Law and Society
Law, Sociology of
LGBT Parenting and Family Formation
LGBT Social Movements
Life Course
Lipset, S.M.
Markets, Conventions and Categories in
Marriage and Divorce
Marxist Sociology
Masculinity
Mass Incarceration in the United States and its Collateral...
Material Culture
Mathematical Sociology
Medical Sociology
Mental Illness
Methodological Individualism
Middle Classes
Military Sociology
Money and Credit
Multiculturalism
Multilevel Models
Multiracial, Mixed-Race, and Biracial Identities
Nationalism
Non-normative Sexuality Studies
Occupations and Professions
Organizations
Panel Studies
Parsons, Talcott
Political Culture
Political Economy
Political Sociology
Popular Culture
Proletariat (Working Class)
Protestantism
Public Opinion
Public Space
Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA)
Race and Sexuality
Race and Violence
Race and Youth
Race in Global Perspective
Race, Organizations, and Movements
Rational Choice
Relationships
Religion and the Public Sphere
Residential Segregation
Revolutions
Role Theory
Rural Sociology
Scientific Networks
Secularization
Sequence Analysis
Sex versus Gender
Sexual Identity
Sexualities
Sexuality Across the Life Course
Simmel, Georg
Single Parents in Context
Small Cities
Social Capital
Social Change
Social Closure
Social Construction of Crime
Social Control
Social Darwinism
Social Disorganization Theory
Social Epidemiology
Social History
Social Indicators
Social Mobility
Social Movements
Social Network Analysis
Social Networks
Social Policy
Social Problems
Social Psychology
Social Stratification
Social Theory
Socialization, Sociological Perspectives on
Sociolinguistics
Sociological Approaches to Character
Sociological Research on the Chinese Society
Sociological Research, Qualitative Methods in
Sociological Research, Quantitative Methods in
Sociology, History of
Sociology of Manners
Sociology of Music
Sociology of War, The
Suburbanism
Survey Methods
Symbolic Boundaries
Symbolic Interactionism
The Division of Labor after Durkheim
Tilly, Charles
Time Use and Time Diary Research
Tourism, Sociology of
Transnational Adoption
Unions and Inequality
Urban Ethnography
Urban Growth Machine
Urban Inequality in the United States
Veblen, Thorstein
Visual Arts, Music, and Aesthetic Experience
Wallerstein, Immanuel
Welfare, Race, and the American Imagination
Welfare States
Women’s Employment and Economic Inequality Between Househo...
Work and Employment, Sociology of
Work/Life Balance
Privacy Policy
Cookie Policy
Legal Notice
Accessibility

[66.249.64.20|91.193.111.216]
91.193.111.216

Research in the Sociology of Work

Recent Chapters

All books in this series (27 titles)

Cover of Work and Labor in the Digital Age

Recent chapters in this series (16 titles)

‘It’s Simple, If You Stand Still You Do Not Get Paid': Piece Wage Games as Indirect Modality of Control in the Platform-mediated Food Delivery Sector
Beyond the Company Line: Studying Workplace Inequalities Ethnographically
Divided Wages and Divided Workers: Tips and the Two-Employer Problem
Feeling Precarious in Ethnographic Research Methods and in Personal Circumstances: Ideal Types and Real World Complexity
Revealing Oneself: When Doing Fieldwork with Journalists Challenges Your Identity Work as a Researcher in Management
The Great Realization: Online Freelancers and the Meaning of Flexibility
What Happened? Ethnographic Stories of the Strategic Road Network
Who is a Digital Nomad? The Evolving Identities of the New Nomadic Workforce
Why Ethnographies of Work? An Introduction
Work and Sustainability at Twin Oaks Intentional Community
Education and Referrals: Parallel Mechanisms of White and Asian Hiring Advantage in a Silicon Valley High Technology Firm
Introduction: Expertise and the Changing Structure of Professional Work
Labor, Lifestyle, and the “Ladies Who Lunch”: Work and Worth Among Elite STAY-AT-HOME Mothers
Manufacturing Discontent: The Labor Process, Job Insecurity and the Making of “Good” and “Bad” Workers
Measured Success: Knowledge, Power, and Inequality in the Professional Work of Evaluation
Professional Engagement in Articulation Work: Implications for Experiences of Clinical and Workplace Autonomy
Rick Delbridge
Andreas (Andi) Pekarek
Markus Helfen
Gretchen Purser

We’re listening — tell us what you think

Something didn’t work….

Report bugs here

All feedback is valuable

Please share your general feedback

Join us on our journey

Platform update page.

Visit emeraldpublishing.com/platformupdate to discover the latest news and updates

Questions & More Information

Answers to the most commonly asked questions here

school Campus Bookshelves
menu_book Bookshelves
perm_media Learning Objects
login Login
how_to_reg Request Instructor Account
hub Instructor Commons
Download Page (PDF)
Download Full Book (PDF)
Periodic Table
Physics Constants
Scientific Calculator
Reference & Cite
Tools expand_more
Readability

selected template will load here

This action is not available.

2.2: Approaches to Sociological Research

Last updated
Save as PDF
Page ID 164436

Learning Objectives

By the end of this section, you should be able to:

Define and describe the scientific method.
Explain how the scientific method is used in sociological research.
Describe the function and importance of an interpretive framework.
Describe the differences in accuracy, reliability and validity in a research study.

When sociologists apply the sociological perspective and begin to ask questions, no topic is off limits. Every aspect of human behavior is a source of possible investigation. Sociologists question the world that humans have created and live in. They notice patterns of behavior as people move through that world. Using sociological methods and systematic research within the framework of the scientific method and a scholarly interpretive perspective, sociologists have discovered social patterns in the workplace that have transformed industries, in families that have enlightened family members, and in education that have aided structural changes in classrooms.

Sociologists often begin the research process by asking a question about how or why things happen in this world. It might be a unique question about a new trend or an old question about a common aspect of life. Once the question is formed, the sociologist proceeds through an in-depth process to answer it. In deciding how to design that process, the researcher may adopt a scientific approach or an interpretive framework. The following sections describe these approaches to knowledge.

The Scientific Method

Sociologists make use of tried and true methods of research, such as experiments, surveys, and field research. But humans and their social interactions are so diverse that these interactions can seem impossible to chart or explain. It might seem that science is about discoveries and chemical reactions or about proving ideas right or wrong rather than about exploring the nuances of human behavior.

However, this is exactly why scientific models work for studying human behavior. A scientific process of research establishes parameters that help make sure results are objective and accurate. Scientific methods provide limitations and boundaries that focus a study and organize its results.

The figure shows a flowchart that states the scientific method. One: Ask a Question. Two: Research Existing Sources. Three: Formulate a Hypothesis. Four: Design and Conduct a Study. Five: Draw Conclusions. Six: Report Results.

Sociological research does not reduce knowledge to right or wrong facts. Results of studies tend to provide people with insights they did not have before—explanations of human behaviors and social practices and access to knowledge of other cultures, rituals and beliefs, or trends and attitudes.

In general, sociologists tackle questions about the role of social characteristics in outcomes or results. For example, how do different communities fare in terms of psychological well-being, community cohesiveness, range of vocation, wealth, crime rates, and so on? Are communities functioning smoothly? Sociologists often look between the cracks to discover obstacles to meeting basic human needs. They might also study environmental influences and patterns of behavior that lead to crime, substance abuse, divorce, poverty, unplanned pregnancies, or illness. And, because sociological studies are not all focused on negative behaviors or challenging situations, social researchers might study vacation trends, healthy eating habits, neighborhood organizations, higher education patterns, games, parks, and exercise habits.

Sociologists can use the scientific method not only to collect but also to interpret and analyze data. They deliberately apply scientific logic and objectivity. They are interested in—but not attached to—the results. They work outside of their own political or social agendas. This does not mean researchers do not have their own personalities, complete with preferences and opinions. But sociologists deliberately use the scientific method to maintain as much objectivity, focus, and consistency as possible in collecting and analyzing data in research studies.

With its systematic approach, the scientific method has proven useful in shaping sociological studies. The scientific method provides a systematic, organized series of steps that help ensure objectivity and consistency in exploring a social problem. They provide the means for accuracy, reliability, and validity. In the end, the scientific method provides a shared basis for discussion and analysis (Merton 1963). Typically, the scientific method has 6 steps which are described below.

Step 1: Ask a Question or Find a Research Topic

The first step of the scientific method is to ask a question, select a problem, and identify the specific area of interest. The topic should be narrow enough to study within a geographic location and time frame. “Are societies capable of sustained happiness?” would be too vague. The question should also be broad enough to have universal merit. “What do personal hygiene habits reveal about the values of students at XYZ High School?” would be too narrow. Sociologists strive to frame questions that examine well-defined patterns and relationships.

In a hygiene study, for instance, hygiene could be defined as “personal habits to maintain physical appearance (as opposed to health),” and a researcher might ask, “How do differing personal hygiene habits reflect the cultural value placed on appearance?”

Step 2: Review the Literature/Research Existing Sources

To study crime, a researcher might also sort through existing data from the court system, police database, prison information, interviews with criminals, guards, wardens, etc. It’s important to examine this information in addition to existing research to determine how these resources might be used to fill holes in existing knowledge. Reviewing existing sources educates researchers and helps refine and improve a research study design.

Step 3: Formulate a Hypothesis

A hypothesis is an explanation for a phenomenon based on a conjecture about the relationship between the phenomenon and one or more causal factors. In sociology, the hypothesis will often predict how one form of human behavior influences another. For example, a hypothesis might be in the form of an “if, then statement.” Let’s relate this to our topic of crime: If unemployment increases, then the crime rate will increase.

In scientific research, we formulate hypotheses to include an independent variables (IV) , which are the cause of the change, and a dependent variable (DV) , which is the effect , or thing that is changed. In the example above, unemployment is the independent variable and the crime rate is the dependent variable.

In a sociological study, the researcher would establish one form of human behavior as the independent variable and observe the influence it has on a dependent variable. How does gender (the independent variable) affect rate of income (the dependent variable)? How does one’s religion (the independent variable) affect family size (the dependent variable)? How is social class (the dependent variable) affected by level of education (the independent variable)?

Taking an example from Table 12.1, a researcher might hypothesize that teaching children proper hygiene (the independent variable) will boost their sense of self-esteem (the dependent variable). Note, however, this hypothesis can also work the other way around. A sociologist might predict that increasing a child’s sense of self-esteem (the independent variable) will increase or improve habits of hygiene (now the dependent variable). Identifying the independent and dependent variables is very important. As the hygiene example shows, simply identifying related two topics or variables is not enough. Their prospective relationship must be part of the hypothesis.

Step 4: Design and Conduct a Study

Researchers design studies to maximize reliability , which refers to how likely research results are to be replicated if the study is reproduced. Reliability increases the likelihood that what happens to one person will happen to all people in a group or what will happen in one situation will happen in another. Cooking is a science. When you follow a recipe and measure ingredients with a cooking tool, such as a measuring cup, the same results is obtained as long as the cook follows the same recipe and uses the same type of tool. The measuring cup introduces accuracy into the process. If a person uses a less accurate tool, such as their hand, to measure ingredients rather than a cup, the same result may not be replicated. Accurate tools and methods increase reliability.

Researchers also strive for validity , which refers to how well the study measures what it was designed to measure. To produce reliable and valid results, sociologists develop an operational definition , that is, they define each concept, or variable, in terms of the physical or concrete steps it takes to objectively measure it. The operational definition identifies an observable condition of the concept. By operationalizing the concept, all researchers can collect data in a systematic or replicable manner. Moreover, researchers can determine whether the experiment or method validly represent the phenomenon they intended to study.

A study asking how tutoring improves grades, for instance, might define “tutoring” as “one-on-one assistance by an expert in the field, hired by an educational institution.” However, one researcher might define a “good” grade as a C or better, while another uses a B+ as a starting point for “good.” For the results to be replicated and gain acceptance within the broader scientific community, researchers would have to use a standard operational definition. These definitions set limits and establish cut-off points that ensure consistency and replicability in a study.

We will explore research methods in greater detail in the next section of this chapter.

Step 5: Draw Conclusions

After constructing the research design, sociologists collect, tabulate or categorize, and analyze data to formulate conclusions. If the analysis supports the hypothesis, researchers can discuss the implications of the results for the theory or policy solution that they were addressing. If the analysis does not support the hypothesis, researchers may consider repeating the experiment or think of ways to improve their procedure.

However, even when results contradict a sociologist’s prediction of a study’s outcome, these results still contribute to sociological understanding. Sociologists analyze general patterns in response to a study, but they are equally interested in exceptions to patterns. In a study of education, a researcher might predict that high school dropouts have a hard time finding rewarding careers. While many assume that the higher the education, the higher the salary and degree of career happiness, there are certainly exceptions. People with little education have had stunning careers, and people with advanced degrees have had trouble finding work. A sociologist prepares a hypothesis knowing that results may substantiate or contradict it.

Sociologists carefully keep in mind how operational definitions and research designs impact the results as they draw conclusions. Consider the concept of “increase of crime,” which might be defined as the percent increase in crime from last week to this week, as in the study of Swedish crime discussed above. Yet the data used to evaluate “increase of crime” might be limited by many factors: who commits the crime, where the crimes are committed, or what type of crime is committed. If the data is gathered for “crimes committed in Houston, Texas in zip code 77021,” then it may not be generalizable to crimes committed in rural areas outside of major cities like Houston. If data is collected about vandalism, it may not be generalizable to assault.

Step 6: Report Results

Researchers report their results at conferences and in academic journals. These results are then subjected to the scrutiny of other sociologists in the field. Before the conclusions of a study become widely accepted, the studies are often repeated in the same or different environments. In this way, sociological theories and knowledge develops as the relationships between social phenomenon are established in broader contexts and different circumstances.

Interpretive Framework

While many sociologists rely on empirical data and the scientific method as a research approach, others operate from an interpretive framework . While systematic, this approach doesn’t follow the hypothesis-testing model that seeks to find generalizable results. Instead, an interpretive framework, sometimes referred to as an interpretive perspective , seeks to understand social worlds from the point of view of participants, which leads to in-depth knowledge or understanding about the human experience.

Interpretive research is generally more descriptive or narrative in its findings. Rather than formulating a hypothesis and method for testing it, an interpretive researcher will develop approaches to explore the topic at hand that may involve a significant amount of direct observation or interaction with subjects including storytelling. This type of researcher learns through the process and sometimes adjusts the research methods or processes midway to optimize findings as they evolve.

Critical Sociology

Critical sociology focuses on deconstruction of existing sociological research and theory. Informed by the work of Karl Marx, scholars known collectively as the Frankfurt School proposed that social science, as much as any academic pursuit, is embedded in the system of power constituted by the set of class, caste, race, gender, and other relationships that exist in the society. Consequently, it cannot be treated as purely objective. Critical sociologists view theories, methods, and the conclusions as serving one of two purposes: they can either legitimate and rationalize systems of social power and oppression or liberate humans from inequality and restriction on human freedom. Deconstruction can involve data collection, but the analysis of this data is not empirical or positivist.

3.2 Approaches to Sociological Research

When sociologists apply the sociological perspective and begin to ask questions, no topic is off limits. Every aspect of human behavior is a source of possible investigation. Sociologists question the world that humans have created and live in. They notice patterns of behavior as people move through that world. Using sociological methods and systematic research, sociologists have discovered social patterns in the workplace that have transformed industries and in education that have aided structural changes in classrooms.

Sociologists often begin the research process by asking a question about how or why things happen in this world. It might be a question about a new trend or a common aspect of life. Once the question is formed, the sociologist proceeds through an in-depth process to answer it. In deciding how to design that process, the researcher may adopt a scientific approach or an interpretive framework. The following sections describe these approaches to knowledge.

3.2.1 Developing a Research Question and the Steps of the Scientific Method

As sociology made its way into American universities, scholars developed it into a science that relies on research to build a body of knowledge. Sociologists began collecting data (observations and documentation) and applying the scientific method or an interpretative framework to increase understanding of societies and social interactions.

Our observations about social situations often incorporate biases based on our own views and limited data. To avoid subjectivity, sociologists conduct systematic research to collect and analyze empirical evidence from direct experience. Peers review the conclusions from this research. Examples of peer-reviewed research are found in scholarly journals.

Sociologists use a variety of methods for research, such as surveys, ethnographies (field research), and interviews. Humans and their social interactions are so diverse that these interactions can seem impossible to chart or explain. However, scientific models and the scientific process of research can be applied to the study of human behavior. A scientific approach to research establishes parameters that help make sure results are objective and accurate. Scientific methods provide limitations and boundaries that focus a study and organize its results.

The scientific method involves developing and testing theories about the social world based on empirical evidence. It is defined by its commitment to systematic observation of the empirical world and strives to be objective, critical, skeptical, and logical. The scientific method follows deductive reasoning, rather than the inductive approach we see with grounded theory. It involves a series of seven steps as shown in figure 3.2. Not every research project follows the steps in order, but this approach provides a plan for conducting research systematically.

A circular diagram that shows 7 steps of the scientific method feeding into one another. Steps are described in detail in the next text section.

Figure 3.2 outlines key stages in the research process. Please note that these stages or steps can be experienced as an ongoing process. Researchers and students undertaking projects may need to repeat steps as they go through the research process.

In general, sociologists tackle questions about the role of social characteristics in outcomes or results. For example, how do different communities fare in terms of community cohesiveness, employment, wealth, crime rates, and so on? Sociologists often look between the cracks to discover obstacles to meeting basic human needs. They might also study environmental influences and patterns of behavior that lead to crime, substance abuse, divorce, poverty, unplanned pregnancies, or illness. And, because sociological studies are not all focused on negative behaviors or challenging situations, social researchers might study vacation trends, neighborhood organizations, and higher education patterns.

Good research questions address sociological issues, connect to prior sociological research studies, are narrow enough that one study could help answer it, and can be examined through data (readily available or able to be collected given your time and resources) (Smith-Lovin and Moskovitz 2017:57). The process of designing research questions involves an emphasis on first reviewing the previous literature to identify connections the researcher should explore in their study (Loske 2017). This is something you will want to keep in mind; it is not uncommon for research questions to change overtime as you continue to incorporate new literature.

Sociologists can use the scientific method not only to collect but also to interpret and analyze data. They deliberately apply scientific logic and objectivity. They are interested in—but not attached to—the results. With its systematic approach, the scientific method has proven useful in shaping sociological studies. The scientific method provides a systematic, organized series of steps that help ensure consistency in exploring a social phenomena.

Step 1: Identify a Social Issue/Find a Research Topic and Ask a Question

The first step of the scientific method is to ask a question, select a problem, and identify the specific area of interest. The topic should be narrow enough to study within a geographic location and time frame. “Are societies capable of sustained happiness?” would be too vague. The question should also be broad enough to be of significance. “What do personal hygiene habits reveal about the values of students at XYZ High School?” would be too narrow. Sociologists strive to frame questions that examine well-defined patterns and relationships.

Step 2: Review the Literature/Research Existing Sources

The next step researchers undertake is to conduct background research through a literature review , which is a review of any existing similar or related studies. A visit to the library, a thorough online search, and a survey of academic journals will uncover existing research about the topic of study. This step helps researchers gain a broad understanding of work previously conducted, identify gaps in understanding of the topic, and position their own research to build on prior knowledge. Researchers—including student researchers—are responsible for correctly citing existing sources they use in a study or that inform their work. While it is fine to borrow previously published material (as long as it enhances a unique viewpoint), it must be referenced properly and never plagiarized. Reviewing existing sources educates researchers and helps refine and improve a research study design.

Step 3: Formulate a Hypothesis

In scientific research, we formulate hypotheses to include an independent variable (IV), which is the cause of the change, and a dependent variable (DV), which is the effect , or thing that is changed. In the example above, unemployment is the independent variable and the crime rate is the dependent variable.

With a sociological study, the researcher would establish one form of human behavior as the independent variable and observe the influence it has on a dependent variable. How does gender (the independent variable) affect the rate of income (the dependent variable)? How does one’s religion (the independent variable) affect family size (the dependent variable)? How is social class (the dependent variable) affected by level of education (the independent variable)? The table in Figure 3.3 demonstrates the relationship between a hypothesis, independent variable, and dependent variable.

Figure 3.3. Examples of Dependent and Independent Variables. Typically, the independent variable causes the dependent variable to change in some way.

Taking an example from figure 3.3, a researcher might hypothesize that teaching children proper hygiene (the independent variable) will boost their sense of self-esteem (the dependent variable). Note, however, this hypothesis can also work the other way around. A sociologist might predict that increasing a child’s sense of self-esteem (the independent variable) will increase or improve habits of hygiene (now the dependent variable). Identifying the independent and dependent variables is very important. As the hygiene example shows, simply identifying two related topics or variables is not enough. Their prospective relationship must be part of the hypothesis.

Step 4: Select a Research Method and Design a Study

Researchers select a research method that is appropriate to answer their research question in this step. Surveys, experiments, interviews, ethnography, and content analysis are just a few examples that researchers may use. You will learn more about these and other research methods later in this chapter in the section “Social Science Research Methods.” Typically your research question influences the type of methods that will be used.

Step 5: Collect Data

Next the researcher collects data. Depending on the research design (step 4), the researcher will begin the process of collecting information on their research topic. After all the data is gathered, the researcher will be able to systematically organize and analyze the data.

Step 6: Analyze the Data

After constructing the research design, sociologists collect, categorize, and analyze data to formulate conclusions. If the analysis supports the hypothesis, researchers can discuss what this might mean. For example, there could be implications for public policy or existing theories. If the analysis does not support the hypothesis, that can be an important finding to report. Some researchers may consider repeating the study or think of ways to improve their procedure (this step is more commonly seen with experiments).

Even when results contradict a sociologist’s prediction of a study’s outcome, the results still contribute to sociological understanding. Sociologists analyze general patterns in response to a study, but they are equally interested in exceptions to patterns. In a study of education, for example, a researcher might predict that high school dropouts have a hard time finding rewarding careers. While many assume that the higher the education, the higher the salary and degree of career happiness, there are certainly exceptions. People with little education have had stunning careers, and people with advanced degrees have had trouble finding work. A sociologist prepares a hypothesis knowing that results may substantiate or contradict it.

Step 7: Report Findings

Researchers report their results at conferences and in academic journals. These results are then subjected to the scrutiny of other sociologists in the field. Before the conclusions of a study become widely accepted, the studies are often repeated in the same or different environments. In this way, sociological theories and knowledge develop as the relationships between social phenomena are established in broader contexts and different circumstances.

3.2.2 Interpretive Framework

While many sociologists rely on empirical data and the scientific method as a research approach, others operate from an interpretive framework. Interpretive framework is an approach that involves detailed understanding of a particular subject through observation, not through hypothesis testing. Interpretive frameworks allow researchers to have reflexivity so they can describe how their own social position influences what they research. By reflexivity, we refer to the ability of the researcher to examine how their own social position influences how and what they research. Reflexivity requires the researcher to evaluate how their own feelings, reactions and motives influence how they think and behave in a situation.

While systematic, this approach doesn’t follow the hypothesis-testing model that seeks to find generalizable results. Instead, an interpretive framework, sometimes referred to as an interpretive perspective or approach, seeks to understand social worlds from the point of view of participants, which leads to in-depth knowledge or understanding about the human experience. Ethnography is one research method that uses an interpretive framework. You will learn more about this method in the next section.

3.2.3 Grounded Theory

Grounded theory uses an interpretive framework to make sense of the social world. Grounded theory is an approach developed by sociologists Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss (1967) at a time when researchers were questioning positivism. As you learned in Chapter 2 , positivism refers to Auguste Comte’s theory that science produces universal laws, science controls what is true, and that objective methods allow you to pursue that truth. A counter perspective, anti-positivism , offers a different theoretical perspective that suggests social life cannot be studied with the same methods used in natural sciences. Instead there is a push to use a different approach.

Grounded theory offers a different approach to analysis that is sometimes used in qualitative research and aims to help with the development of theory (Charmaz 2003). This systematic theory is “grounded in” or based on observations. It uses induction or inductive reasoning, which means you use specific observations or evidence to arrive at broad conclusions. With grounded theory the research starts by gathering observations before creating categories to organize the data in. After initially organizing the data into categories, they begin to look for patterns and relationships among categories (Glaser and Strauss 1967). A few methods that may commonly utilize a grounded theory approach are participant observation, interviewing, and secondary data collection of artifacts and texts.

3.2.4 Critical Sociology

Critical sociology focuses on deconstruction of existing sociological research and theory. This approach to methods is nformed by the work of Karl Marx, and feminist, postmodern, postcolonial, and critical race scholars. These critical sociologists propose that social science is embedded in systems of power. Power is constituted by the set of class, caste, race, gender, and other relationships that exist in the society. We will take a closer look at these power relations in later chapters. Consequently, power cannot be treated as purely objective. Critical sociologists view theories, methods, and the conclusions as serving one of two purposes: they can either legitimize and rationalize systems of social power and oppression or liberate humans from inequality and restriction on human freedom. We’ll explore examples of this approach in the section, “Pedagogical Element: A Closer Look at Indigenous Knowledge and Decolonizing Research Methods” section later in this chapter.

3.2.5 Licenses and Attributions for Approaches to Sociological Research

“Approaches to Sociological Research” from “2.1 Approaches to Sociological Research” by Tonja R. Conerly, Kathleen Holmes, Asha Lal Tamang in Openstax Sociology 3e , which is licensed under CC BY 4.0 . Access for free at

https://openstax.org/books/introduction-sociology-3e/pages/2-1-approaches-to-sociological-research

“Developing a Research Question & the Steps of the Scientific Method” – First two paragraphs from “Introduction” by Tonja R. Conerly, Kathleen Holmes, Asha Lal Tamang in Openstax Sociology 3e , which is licensed under CC BY 4.0 . Access for free at https://openstax.org/books/introduction-sociology-3e/pages/2-introduction

Paragraphs 3 and 4 edited for consistency and brevity, Figure 3.3 and Step sections edited and modified from “2.1 Approaches to Sociological Research” by Tonja R. Conerly, Kathleen Holmes, Asha Lal Tamang in Openstax Sociology 3e , which is licensed under CC BY 4.0 . Access for free at https://openstax.org/books/introduction-sociology-3e/pages/2-1-approaches-to-sociological-research

Figure 3.2. “Interpretive Framework” modified from “2.1 Approaches to Sociological Research” by Tonja R. Conerly, Kathleen Holmes, Asha Lal Tamang in Openstax Sociology 3e , which is licensed under CC BY 4.0 . Access for free at

Interpretive framework definition modified from the Open Education Sociology Dictionary is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0 .

Reflexivity definition modified from the Cambridge Dictionary is licensed under X

“Grounded Theory” is original content by Jennifer Puentes and is licensed under CC BY 4.0 .

Anti – positivism definition is adapted from the Open Education Sociology Dictionary and is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0 and from Wikipedia is licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0 .

“Critical Theory” remixed from “2.1 Approaches to Sociological Research” by Tonja R. Conerly, Kathleen Holmes, Asha Lal Tamang in Openstax Sociology 3e , which is licensed under CC BY 4.0 . Edited for clarity. Access for free at

All other content in this section is original content by Jennifer Puentes and is licensed under CC BY 4.0 .

Image Description for Figure 3.2: A circle of arrows around the words Scientific Process. The top arrow says Identify a Social Issue or Find a Research Topic and Ask a Question. This points to the next arrow, which says review existing literature and sources. Build a broad understanding of work previously conducted, identify gaps in understanding of the topic, and position your own research to build on prior knowledge. The next arrow says Formulate a Hypothesis: What are the general causes of the phenomenon you’re wondering about? The next arrow says Select a Research Method and Design a Study: Select a research method appropriate to answer your question. Typically, your research question influences the method you will use. The next arrow says Collect data: Collect information on the topic using the research design. The next arrow says Analyze data: Organize and analyze the data after it is collected. If the analysis does or does not support the hypothesis, discuss implications for theory or policy. From here there is an arrow that goes back to Select a Research Method that says Based on findings, what new questions do you have? How can these new questions help develop future projects? Another arrow from Analyze Data continues the circle and says Report Findings: Share results at conferences and in academic journals. Before the conclusions of a study are widely accepted, the studies are often repeated. New research questions may emerge to inspire more research projects. This arrow points back to the top arrow where we started. There is also an attribution statement saying this image is CC BY 4.0 and created by Jennifer Puentes and Michaela Willi Hooper. [Return to Figure 3.2]

Share This Book

Want to create or adapt books like this? Learn more about how Pressbooks supports open publishing practices.

Chapter 2. Sociological Research

Learning objectives.

2.1. Approaches to Sociological Research

Define and describe the scientific method
Explain how the scientific method is used in sociological research
Understand the difference between positivist and interpretive approaches to the scientific method in sociology
Define what reliability and validity mean in a research study

2.2. Research Methods

Differentiate between four kinds of research methods: surveys, experiments, field research, and secondary data and textual analysis
Understand why different topics are better suited to different research approaches

2.3. Ethical Concerns

Understand why ethical standards exist
Demonstrate awareness of the Canadian Sociological Association’s Code of Ethics
Define value neutrality
Outline some of the issues of value neutrality in sociology

Introduction to Sociological Research

In the university cafeteria, you set your lunch tray down at a table, grab a chair, join a group of your classmates, and hear the start of two discussions. One person says, “It’s weird how Justin Bieber has 48 million followers on Twitter.” Another says, “Disney World is packed year round.” Those two seemingly benign statements are claims, or opinions, based on everyday observation of human behaviour. Perhaps the speakers had firsthand experience, talked to experts, conducted online research, or saw news segments on TV. In response, two conversations erupt. “I don’t see why anyone would want to go to Disney World and stand in those long lines.” “Are you kidding?! Going to Disney World is one of my favourite childhood memories.” “It’s the opposite for me with Justin Bieber. Seeing people camp out outside his hotel just to get a glimpse of him; it doesn’t make sense.” “Well, you’re not a teenage girl.” “Going to a theme park is way different than trying to see a teenage heart throb.” “But both are things people do for the same reason: they’re looking for a good time.” “If you call getting crushed by a crowd of strangers fun.”

As your classmates at the lunch table discuss what they know or believe, the two topics converge. The conversation becomes a debate. Someone compares Beliebers to Beatles fans. Someone else compares Disney World to a cruise. Students take sides, agreeing or disagreeing, as the conversation veers to topics such as crowd control, mob mentality, political protests, and group dynamics. If you contributed your expanding knowledge of sociological research to this conversation, you might make statements like these: “Justin Bieber’s fans long for an escape from the boredom of real teenage life. Beliebers join together claiming they want romance, except what they really want is a safe place to explore the confusion of teenage sexual feelings.” And this: “Mickey Mouse is a larger-than-life cartoon celebrity. Disney World is a place where families go to see what it would be like to live inside a cartoon.” You finish lunch, clear away your tray, and hurry to your next class. But you are thinking of Justin Bieber and Disney World. You have a new perspective on human behaviour and a list of questions that you want answered. That is the purpose of sociological research—to investigate and provide insights into how human societies function.

Although claims and opinions are part of sociology, sociologists use empirical evidence (that is, evidence corroborated by direct experience and/or observation) combined with the scientific method or an interpretive framework to deliver sound sociological research. They also rely on a theoretical foundation that provides an interpretive perspective through which they can make sense of scientific results. A truly scientific sociological study of the social situations up for discussion in the cafeteria would involve these prescribed steps: defining a specific question, gathering information and resources through observation, forming a hypothesis, testing the hypothesis in a reproducible manner, analyzing and drawing conclusions from the data, publishing the results, and anticipating further development when future researchers respond to and retest findings.

An appropriate starting point in this case might be the question “What do fans of Justin Bieber seek that drives them to follow his Twitter comments so faithfully?” As you begin to think like a sociologist, you may notice that you have tapped into your observation skills. You might assume that your observations and insights are valuable and accurate. But the results of casual observation are limited by the fact that there is no standardization—who is to say one person’s observation of an event is any more accurate than another’s? To mediate these concerns, sociologists rely on systematic research processes.

When sociologists apply the sociological perspective and begin to ask questions, no topic is off limits. Every aspect of human behaviour is a source of possible investigation. Sociologists question the world that humans have created and live in. They notice patterns of behaviour as people move through that world. Using sociological methods and systematic research within the framework of the scientific method and a scholarly interpretive perspective, sociologists have discovered workplace patterns that have transformed industries, family patterns that have enlightened parents, and education patterns that have aided structural changes in classrooms. The students at that university cafeteria discussion put forth a few loosely stated opinions.

If the human behaviours around those claims were tested systematically, a student could write a report and offer the findings to fellow sociologists and the world in general. The new perspective could help people understand themselves and their neighbours and help people make better decisions about their lives. It might seem strange to use scientific practices to study social trends, but, as we shall see, it’s extremely helpful to rely on systematic approaches that research methods provide. Sociologists often begin the research process by asking a question about how or why things happen in this world. It might be a unique question about a new trend or an old question about a common aspect of life. Once a question is formed, a sociologist proceeds through an in-depth process to answer it. In deciding how to design that process, the researcher may adopt a positivist approach or an interpretive approach. The following sections describe these approaches to knowledge.

The Scientific Method

Sociologists make use of tried-and-true methods of research, such as experiments, surveys, field research, and textual analysis. But humans and their social interactions are so diverse that they can seem impossible to chart or explain. It might seem that science is about discoveries and chemical reactions or about proving ideas right or wrong rather than about exploring the nuances of human behaviour. However, this is exactly why scientific models work for studying human behaviour. A scientific process of research establishes parameters that help make sure results are objective and accurate. Scientific methods provide limitations and boundaries that focus a study and organize its results. This is the case for both positivist or quantitative methodologies and interpretive or qualitative methodologies. The scientific method involves developing and testing theories about the world based on empirical evidence. It is defined by its commitment to systematic observation of the empirical world and strives to be objective, critical, skeptical, and logical. It involves a series of prescribed steps that have been established over centuries of scholarship.

But just because sociological studies use scientific methods does not make the results less human. Sociological topics are not reduced to right or wrong facts. In this field, results of studies tend to provide people with access to knowledge they did not have before—knowledge of other cultures, knowledge of rituals and beliefs, knowledge of trends and attitudes. No matter what research approach is used, researchers want to maximize the study’s reliability (how likely research results are to be replicated if the study is reproduced). Reliability increases the likelihood that what is true of one person will be true of all people in a group. Researchers also strive for validity (how well the study measures what it was designed to measure).

Returning to the Disney World topic, reliability of a study would reflect how well the resulting experience represents the average experience of theme park-goers. Validity would ensure that the study’s design accurately examined what it was designed to study, so an exploration of adults’ interactions with costumed mascots should address that issue and not veer into other age groups’ interactions with them or into adult interactions with staff or other guests.

In general, sociologists tackle questions about the role of social characteristics in outcomes. For example, how do different communities fare in terms of psychological well-being, community cohesiveness, range of vocation, wealth, crime rates, and so on? Are communities functioning smoothly? Sociologists look between the cracks to discover obstacles to meeting basic human needs. They might study environmental influences and patterns of behaviour that lead to crime, substance abuse, divorce, poverty, unplanned pregnancies, or illness. And, because sociological studies are not all focused on problematic behaviours or challenging situations, researchers might study vacation trends, healthy eating habits, neighbourhood organizations, higher education patterns, games, parks, and exercise habits.

Sociologists can use the scientific method not only to collect but to interpret and analyze the data. They deliberately apply scientific logic and objectivity. They are interested in but not attached to the results. Their research work is independent of their own political or social beliefs. This does not mean researchers are not critical. Nor does it mean they do not have their own personalities, complete with preferences and opinions. But sociologists deliberately use the scientific method to maintain as much objectivity, focus, and consistency as possible in a particular study. With its systematic approach, the scientific method has proven useful in shaping sociological studies. The scientific method provides a systematic, organized series of steps that help ensure objectivity and consistency in exploring a social problem. They provide the means for accuracy, reliability, and validity. In the end, the scientific method provides a shared basis for discussion and analysis (Merton 1963). Typically, the scientific method starts with these steps—1) ask a question, 2) research existing sources, 3) formulate a hypothesis—described below.

Ask a Question

The first step of the scientific method is to ask a question, describe a problem, and identify the specific area of interest. The topic should be narrow enough to study within a geography and timeframe. “Are societies capable of sustained happiness?” would be too vague. The question should also be broad enough to have universal merit. “What do personal hygiene habits reveal about the values of students at XYZ High School?” would be too narrow. That said, happiness and hygiene are worthy topics to study.

Sociologists do not rule out any topic, but would strive to frame these questions in better research terms. That is why sociologists are careful to define their terms. In a hygiene study, for instance, hygiene could be defined as “personal habits to maintain physical appearance (as opposed to health),” and a researcher might ask, “How do differing personal hygiene habits reflect the cultural value placed on appearance?” When forming these basic research questions, sociologists develop an operational definition ; that is, they define the concept in terms of the physical or concrete steps it takes to objectively measure it. The concept is translated into an observable variable , a measure that has different values. The operational definition identifies an observable condition of the concept.

By operationalizing a variable of the concept, all researchers can collect data in a systematic or replicable manner. The operational definition must be valid in the sense that it is an appropriate and meaningful measure of the concept being studied. It must also be reliable, meaning that results will be close to uniform when tested on more than one person. For example, “good drivers” might be defined in many ways: those who use their turn signals, those who don’t speed, or those who courteously allow others to merge. But these driving behaviours could be interpreted differently by different researchers and could be difficult to measure. Alternatively, “a driver who has never received a traffic violation” is a specific description that will lead researchers to obtain the same information, so it is an effective operational definition.

Research Existing Sources

The next step researchers undertake is to conduct background research through a literature review , which is a review of any existing similar or related studies. A visit to the library and a thorough online search will uncover existing research about the topic of study. This step helps researchers gain a broad understanding of work previously conducted on the topic at hand and enables them to position their own research to build on prior knowledge. It allows them to sharpen the focus of their research question and avoid duplicating previous research. Researchers—including student researchers—are responsible for correctly citing existing sources they use in a study or that inform their work. While it is fine to build on previously published material (as long as it enhances a unique viewpoint), it must be referenced properly and never plagiarized. To study hygiene and its value in a particular society, a researcher might sort through existing research and unearth studies about childrearing, vanity, obsessive-compulsive behaviours, and cultural attitudes toward beauty. It’s important to sift through this information and determine what is relevant. Using existing sources educates a researcher and helps refine and improve a study’s design.

Formulate a Hypothesis

A hypothesis is an assumption about how two or more variables are related; it makes a conjectural statement about the relationship between those variables. It is an “educated guess” because it is not random but based on theory, observations, patterns of experience, or the existing literature. The hypothesis formulates this guess in the form of a testable proposition. However, how the hypothesis is handled differs between the positivist and interpretive approaches. Positivist methodologies are often referred to as hypothetico-deductive methodologies . A hypothesis is derived from a theoretical proposition. On the basis of the hypothesis a prediction or generalization is logically deduced. In positivist sociology, the hypothesis predicts how one form of human behaviour influences another.

Successful prediction will determine the adequacy of the hypothesis and thereby test the theoretical proposition. Typically positivist approaches operationalize variables as quantitative data ; that is, by translating a social phenomenon like “health” into a quantifiable or numerically measurable variable like “number of visits to the hospital.” This permits sociologists to formulate their predictions using mathematical language like regression formulas, to present research findings in graphs and tables, and to perform mathematical or statistical techniques to demonstrate the validity of relationships.

Variables are examined to see if there is a correlation between them. When a change in one variable coincides with a change in another variable there is a correlation. This does not necessarily indicate that changes in one variable causes a change in another variable, however, just that they are associated. A key distinction here is between independent and dependent variables. In research, independent variables are the cause of the change. The dependent variable is the effect , or thing that is changed. For example, in a basic study, the researcher would establish one form of human behaviour as the independent variable and observe the influence it has on a dependent variable. How does gender (the independent variable) affect rate of income (the dependent variable)? How does one’s religion (the independent variable) affect family size (the dependent variable)? How is social class (the dependent variable) affected by level of education (the independent variable)? For it to become possible to speak about causation, three criteria must be satisfied:

There must be a relationship or correlation between the independent and dependent variables.
The independent variable must be prior to the dependent variable.
There must be no other intervening variable responsible for the causal relationship.

Table 2.1. Examples of Dependent and Independent Variables Typically, the independent variable causes the dependent variable to change in some way.

At this point, a researcher’s operational definitions help measure the variables. In a study asking how tutoring improves grades, for instance, one researcher might define “good” grades as a C or better, while another uses a B+ as a starting point for “good.” Another operational definition might describe “tutoring” as “one-on-one assistance by an expert in the field, hired by an educational institution.” Those definitions set limits and establish cut-off points, ensuring consistency and replicability in a study. As the chart shows, an independent variable is the one that causes a dependent variable to change. For example, a researcher might hypothesize that teaching children proper hygiene (the independent variable) will boost their sense of self-esteem (the dependent variable). Or rephrased, a child’s sense of self-esteem depends, in part, on the quality and availability of hygienic resources.

Of course, this hypothesis can also work the other way around. Perhaps a sociologist believes that increasing a child’s sense of self-esteem (the independent variable) will automatically increase or improve habits of hygiene (now the dependent variable). Identifying the independent and dependent variables is very important. As the hygiene example shows, simply identifying two topics, or variables, is not enough: Their prospective relationship must be part of the hypothesis. Just because a sociologist forms an educated prediction of a study’s outcome doesn’t mean data contradicting the hypothesis are not welcome. Sociologists analyze general patterns in response to a study, but they are equally interested in exceptions to patterns.

In a study of education, a researcher might predict that high school dropouts have a hard time finding a rewarding career. While it has become at least a cultural assumption that the higher the education, the higher the salary and degree of career happiness, there are certainly exceptions. People with little education have had stunning careers, and people with advanced degrees have had trouble finding work. A sociologist prepares a hypothesis knowing that results will vary.

While many sociologists rely on the positivist hypothetico-deductive method in their research, others operate from an interpretive approach . While systematic, this approach does not follow the hypothesis-testing model that seeks to make generalizable predictions from quantitative variables. Instead, an interpretive framework seeks to understand social worlds from the point of view of participants, leading to in-depth knowledge. It focuses on qualitative data, or the meanings that guide people’s behaviour. Rather than relying on quantitative instruments like questionnaires or experiments, which can be artificial, the interpretive approach attempts to find ways to get closer to the informants’ lived experience and perceptions. Interpretive research is generally more descriptive or narrative in its findings. It can begin from a deductive approach, by deriving a hypothesis from theory and then seeking to confirm it through methodologies like in-depth interviews.

However, it is ideally suited to an inductive approach in which the hypothesis emerges only after a substantial period of direct observation or interaction with subjects. This type of approach is exploratory in that the researcher also learns as he or she proceeds, sometimes adjusting the research methods or processes midway to respond to new insights and findings as they evolve. Once the preliminary work is done, it’s time for the next research steps: designing and conducting a study, and drawing conclusions. These research methods are discussed below.

Sociologists examine the world, see a problem or interesting pattern, and set out to study it. They use research methods to design a study—perhaps a positivist, quantitative method for conducting research and obtaining data, or perhaps an ethnographic study utilizing an interpretive framework. Planning the research design is a key step in any sociological study. When entering a particular social environment, a researcher must be careful. There are times to remain anonymous and times to be overt. There are times to conduct interviews and times to simply observe. Some participants need to be thoroughly informed; others should not know they are being observed. A researcher would not stroll into a crime-ridden neighbourhood at midnight, calling out, “Any gang members around?” And if a researcher walked into a coffee shop and told the employees they would be observed as part of a study on work efficiency, the self-conscious, intimidated baristas might not behave naturally.

In the 1920s, leaders of a Chicago factory called Hawthorne Works commissioned a study to determine whether or not changing certain aspects of working conditions could increase or decrease worker productivity. Sociologists were surprised when the productivity of a test group increased when the lighting of their workspace was improved. They were even more surprised when productivity improved when the lighting of the workspace was dimmed. In fact almost every change of independent variable—lighting, breaks, work hours—resulted in an improvement of productivity. But when the study was over, productivity dropped again.

Why did this happen? In 1953, Henry A. Landsberger analyzed the study results to answer this question. He realized that employees’ productivity increased because sociologists were paying attention to them. The sociologists’ presence influenced the study results. Worker behaviours were altered not by the lighting but by the study itself. From this, sociologists learned the importance of carefully planning their roles as part of their research design (Franke and Kaul 1978). Landsberger called the workers’ response the Hawthorne effect —people changing their behaviour because they know they are being watched as part of a study.

The Hawthorne effect is unavoidable in some research. In many cases, sociologists have to make the purpose of the study known for ethical reasons. Subjects must be aware that they are being observed, and a certain amount of artificiality may result (Sonnenfeld 1985). Making sociologists’ presence invisible is not always realistic for other reasons. That option is not available to a researcher studying prison behaviours, early education, or the Ku Klux Klan. Researchers cannot just stroll into prisons, kindergarten classrooms, or Ku Klux Klan meetings and unobtrusively observe behaviours. In situations like these, other methods are needed. All studies shape the research design, while research design simultaneously shapes the study. Researchers choose methods that best suit their study topic and that fit with their overall goal for the research.

In planning a study’s design, sociologists generally choose from four widely used methods of social investigation: survey, experiment, field research, and textual or secondary data analysis (or use of existing sources). Every research method comes with plusses and minuses, and the topic of study strongly influences which method or methods are put to use.

As a research method, a survey collects data from subjects who respond to a series of questions about behaviours and opinions, often in the form of a questionnaire. The survey is one of the most widely used positivist research methods. The standard survey format allows individuals a level of anonymity in which they can express personal ideas.

At some point or another, everyone responds to some type of survey. The Statistics Canada census is an excellent example of a large-scale survey intended to gather sociological data. Customers also fill out questionnaires at stores or promotional events, responding to questions such as “How did you hear about the event?” and “Were the staff helpful?” You’ve probably picked up the phone and heard a caller ask you to participate in a political poll or similar type of survey: “Do you eat hot dogs? If yes, how many per month?” Not all surveys would be considered sociological research. Marketing polls help companies refine marketing goals and strategies; they are generally not conducted as part of a scientific study, meaning they are not designed to test a hypothesis or to contribute knowledge to the field of sociology. The results are not published in a refereed scholarly journal, where design, methodology, results, and analyses are vetted.

Often, polls on TV do not reflect a general population, but are merely answers from a specific show’s audience. Polls conducted by programs such as American Idol or Canadian Idol represent the opinions of fans but are not particularly scientific. A good contrast to these are the BBM Ratings, which determine the popularity of radio and television programming in Canada through scientific market research. Sociologists conduct surveys under controlled conditions for specific purposes. Surveys gather different types of information from people. While surveys are not great at capturing the ways people really behave in social situations, they are a great method for discovering how people feel and think—or at least how they say they feel and think. Surveys can track attitudes and opinions, political preferences, reported individual behaviours (such as sleeping, driving, or texting habits), or factual information such as employment status, income, and education levels. A survey targets a specific population , people who are the focus of a study, such as university athletes, international students, or teenagers living with type 1 (juvenile-onset) diabetes.

Most researchers choose to survey a small sector of the population, or a sample : that is, a manageable number of subjects who represent a larger population. The success of a study depends on how well a population is represented by the sample. In a random sample , every person in a population has the same chance of being chosen for the study. According to the laws of probability, random samples represent the population as a whole. For instance, an Ipsos Reid poll, if conducted as a nationwide random sampling, should be able to provide an accurate estimate of public opinion whether it contacts 2,000 or 10,000 people. However the validity of surveys can be threatened when part of the population is inadvertently excluded from the sample (e.g., telephone surveys that rely on land lines exclude people that use only cell phones) or when there is a low response rate. After selecting subjects, the researcher develops a specific plan to ask questions and record responses.

It is important to inform subjects of the nature and purpose of the study upfront. If they agree to participate, researchers thank subjects and offer them a chance to see the results of the study if they are interested. The researcher presents the subjects with an instrument (a means of gathering the information). A common instrument is a structured questionnaire, in which subjects answer a series of set questions. For some topics, the researcher might ask yes-or-no or multiple-choice questions, allowing subjects to choose possible responses to each question.

This kind of quantitative data —research collected in numerical form that can be counted—is easy to tabulate. Just count up the number of “yes” and “no” answers or tabulate the scales of “strongly agree,” “agree,” disagree,” etc. responses and chart them into percentages. This is also their chief drawback however: their artificiality. In real life, there are rarely any unambiguously yes-or-no answers. Questionnaires can also ask more complex questions with more complex answers—beyond “yes,” “no,” “agree,” “strongly agree,” or an option next to a checkbox. In those cases, the answers are subjective, varying from person to person. How do you plan to use your university education? Why do you follow Justin Bieber around the country and attend every concert? Those types of questions require short essay responses, and participants willing to take the time to write those answers will convey personal information about religious beliefs, political views, and morals.

Some topics that reflect internal thought are impossible to observe directly and are difficult to discuss honestly in a public forum. People are more likely to share honest answers if they can respond to questions anonymously. This type of information is qualitative data —results that are subjective and often based on what is seen in a natural setting. Qualitative information is harder to organize and tabulate. The researcher will end up with a wide range of responses, some of which may be surprising. The benefit of written opinions, though, is the wealth of material that they provide.

An interview is a one-on-one conversation between the researcher and the subject, and is a way of conducting surveys on a topic. Interviews are similar to the short answer questions on surveys in that the researcher asks subjects a series of questions. However, participants are free to respond as they wish, without being limited by predetermined choices. In the back-and-forth conversation of an interview, a researcher can ask for clarification, spend more time on a subtopic, or ask additional questions. In an interview, a subject will ideally feel free to open up and answer questions that are often complex. There are no right or wrong answers. The subject might not even know how to answer the questions honestly. Questions such as “How did society’s view of alcohol consumption influence your decision whether or not to take your first sip of alcohol?” or “Did you feel that the divorce of your parents would put a social stigma on your family?” involve so many factors that the answers are difficult to categorize. A researcher needs to avoid steering or prompting the subject to respond in a specific way; otherwise, the results will prove to be unreliable. And, obviously, a sociological interview is not an interrogation. The researcher will benefit from gaining a subject’s trust, from empathizing or commiserating with a subject, and from listening without judgment.

Experiments

You’ve probably tested personal social theories. “If I study at night and review in the morning, I’ll improve my retention skills.” Or, “If I stop drinking soda, I’ll feel better.” Cause and effect. If this, then that. When you test the theory, your results either prove or disprove your hypothesis. One way researchers test social theories is by conducting an experiment , meaning they investigate relationships to test a hypothesis—a scientific approach. There are two main types of experiments: lab-based experiments and natural or field experiments.

In a lab setting, the research can be controlled so that perhaps more data can be recorded in a certain amount of time. In a natural or field-based experiment, the generation of data cannot be controlled but the information might be considered more accurate since it was collected without interference or intervention by the researcher. As a research method, either type of sociological experiment is useful for testing if-then statements: if a particular thing happens, then another particular thing will result.

To set up a lab-based experiment, sociologists create artificial situations that allow them to manipulate variables. Classically, the sociologist selects a set of people with similar characteristics, such as age, class, race, or education. Those people are divided into two groups. One is the experimental group and the other is the control group . The experimental group is exposed to the independent variable(s) and the control group is not. This is similar to pharmaceutical drug trials in which the experimental group is given the test drug and the control group is given a placebo or sugar pill. To test the benefits of tutoring, for example, the sociologist might expose the experimental group of students to tutoring while the control group does not receive tutoring. Then both groups would be tested for differences in performance to see if tutoring had an effect on the experimental group of students. As you can imagine, in a case like this, the researcher would not want to jeopardize the accomplishments of either group of students, so the setting would be somewhat artificial. The test would not be for a grade reflected on their permanent record, for example.

The Stanford Prison Experiment is perhaps one of the most famous sociological experiments ever conducted. In 1971, 24 healthy, middle-class male university students were selected to take part in a simulated jail environment to examine the effects of social setting and social roles on individual psychology and behaviour. They were randomly divided into 12 guards and 12 prisoners. The prisoner subjects were arrested at home and transported blindfolded to the simulated prison in the basement of the psychology building on the campus of Stanford University. Within a day of arriving the prisoners and the guards began to display signs of trauma and sadism respectively. After some prisoners revolted by blockading themselves in their cells, the guards resorted to using increasingly humiliating and degrading tactics to control the prisoners through psychological manipulation. The experiment had to be abandoned after only six days because the abuse had grown out of hand (Haney, Banks, and Zimbardo 1973). While the insights into the social dynamics of authoritarianism it generated were fascinating, the Stanford Prison Experiment also serves as an example of the ethical issues that emerge when experimenting on human subjects.

Making Connections: Sociological Research

An experiment in action: mincome.

A real-life example will help illustrate the experimental process in sociology. Between 1974 and 1979 an experiment was conducted in the small town of Dauphin, Manitoba (the “garden capital of Manitoba”). Each family received a modest monthly guaranteed income—a “mincome”—equivalent to a maximum of 60 percent of the “low-income cut-off figure” (a Statistics Canada measure of poverty, which varies with family size). The income was 50 cents per dollar less for families who had incomes from other sources. Families earning over a certain income level did not receive mincome. Families that were already collecting welfare or unemployment insurance were also excluded. The test families in Dauphin were compared with control groups in other rural Manitoba communities on a range of indicators such as number of hours worked per week, school performance, high school dropout rates, and hospital visits (Forget 2011). A guaranteed annual income was seen at the time as a less costly, less bureaucratic public alternative for addressing poverty than the existing employment insurance and welfare programs. Today it is an active proposal being considered in Switzerland (Lowrey 2013).

Intuitively, it seems logical that lack of income is the cause of poverty and poverty-related issues. One of the main concerns, however, was whether a guaranteed income would create a disincentive to work. The concept appears to challenge the principles of the Protestant work ethic (see the discussion of Max Weber in Chapter 1). The study did find very small decreases in hours worked per week: about 1 percent for men, 3 percent for wives, and 5 percent for unmarried women. Forget (2011) argues this was because the income provided an opportunity for people to spend more time with family and school, especially for young mothers and teenage girls. There were also significant social benefits from the experiment, including better test scores in school, lower high school dropout rates, fewer visits to hospital, fewer accidents and injuries, and fewer mental health issues.

Ironically, due to lack of guaranteed funding (and lack of political interest by the late 1970s), the data and results of the study were not analyzed or published until 2011. The data were archived and sat gathering dust in boxes. The mincome experiment demonstrated the benefits that even a modest guaranteed annual income supplement could have on health and social outcomes in communities. People seem to live healthier lives and get a better education when they do not need to worry about poverty. In her summary of the research, Forget notes that the impact of the income supplement was surprisingly large given that at any one time only about a third of the families were receiving the income and, for some families, the income amount would have been very small. The income benefit was largest for low-income working families but the research showed that the entire community profited. The improvement in overall health outcomes for the community suggest that a guaranteed income would also result in savings for the public health system.

Field Research

The work of sociology rarely happens in limited, confined spaces. Sociologists seldom study subjects in their own offices or laboratories. Rather, sociologists go out into the world. They meet subjects where they live, work, and play. Field research refers to gathering primary data from a natural environment without doing a lab experiment or a survey. It is a research method suited to an interpretive approach rather than to positivist approaches. To conduct field research, the sociologist must be willing to step into new environments and observe, participate, or experience those worlds. In fieldwork, the sociologists, rather than the subjects, are the ones out of their element. The researcher interacts with or observes a person or people, gathering data along the way. The key point in field research is that it takes place in the subject’s natural environment, whether it’s a coffee shop or tribal village, a homeless shelter or a care home, a hospital, airport, mall, or beach resort.

While field research often begins in a specific setting , the study’s purpose is to observe specific behaviours in that setting. Fieldwork is optimal for observing how people behave. It is less useful, however, for developing causal explanations of why they behave that way. From the small size of the groups studied in fieldwork, it is difficult to make predictions or generalizations to a larger population. Similarly, there are difficulties in gaining an objective distance from research subjects. It is difficult to know whether another researcher would see the same things or record the same data. We will look at three types of field research: participant observation, ethnography, and the case study.

Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World

When is sharing not such a good idea.

Choosing a research methodology depends on a number of factors, including the purpose of the research and the audience for whom the research is intended. If we consider the type of research that might go into producing a government policy document on the effectiveness of safe injection sites for reducing the public health risks of intravenous drug use, we would expect public administrators to want “hard” (i.e., quantitative) evidence of high reliability to help them make a policy decision. The most reliable data would come from an experimental or quasi-experimental research model in which a control group can be compared with an experimental group using quantitative measures.

This approach has been used by researchers studying InSite in Vancouver (Marshall et al. 2011; Wood et al. 2006). InSite is a supervised safe-injection site where heroin addicts and other intravenous drug users can go to inject drugs in a safe, clean environment. Clean needles are provided and health care professionals are on hand to intervene in the case of overdose or other medical emergency. It is a controversial program both because heroin use is against the law (the facility operates through a federal ministerial exemption) and because the heroin users are not obliged to quit using or seek therapy. To assess the effectiveness of the program, researchers compared the risky usage of drugs in populations before and after the opening of the facility and geographically near and distant to the facility. The results from the studies have shown that InSite has reduced both deaths from overdose and risky behaviours, such as the sharing of needles, without increasing the levels of crime associated with drug use and addiction.

On the other hand, if the research question is more exploratory (for example, trying to discern the reasons why individuals in the crack smoking subculture engage in the risky activity of sharing pipes), the more nuanced approach of fieldwork is more appropriate. The research would need to focus on the subcultural context, rituals, and meaning of sharing pipes, and why these phenomena override known health concerns. Graduate student Andrew Ivsins at the University of Victoria studied the practice of sharing pipes among 13 habitual users of crack cocaine in Victoria, B.C. (Ivsins 2010). He met crack smokers in their typical setting downtown and used an unstructured interview method to try to draw out the informal norms that lead to sharing pipes. One factor he discovered was the bond that formed between friends or intimate partners when they shared a pipe. He also discovered that there was an elaborate subcultural etiquette of pipe use that revolved around the benefit of getting the crack resin smokers left behind. Both of these motives tended to outweigh the recognized health risks of sharing pipes (such as hepatitis) in the decision making of the users. This type of research was valuable in illuminating the unknown subcultural norms of crack use that could still come into play in a harm reduction strategy such as distributing safe crack kits to addicts.

Participant Observation

In 2000, a comic writer named Rodney Rothman wanted an insider’s view of white-collar work. He slipped into the sterile, high-rise offices of a New York “dot com” agency. Every day for two weeks, he pretended to work there. His main purpose was simply to see if anyone would notice him or challenge his presence. No one did. The receptionist greeted him. The employees smiled and said good morning. Rothman was accepted as part of the team. He even went so far as to claim a desk, inform the receptionist of his whereabouts, and attend a meeting. He published an article about his experience in The New Yorker called “My Fake Job” (2000). Later, he was discredited for allegedly fabricating some details of the story and The New Yorker issued an apology. However, Rothman’s entertaining article still offered fascinating descriptions of the inside workings of a “dot com” company and exemplified the lengths to which a sociologist will go to uncover material.

Rothman had conducted a form of study called participant observation , in which researchers join people and participate in a group’s routine activities for the purpose of observing them within that context. This method lets researchers study a naturally occurring social activity without imposing artificial or intrusive research devices, like fixed questionnaire questions, onto the situation. A researcher might go to great lengths to get a firsthand look into a trend, institution, or behaviour. Researchers temporarily put themselves into “native” roles and record their observations. A researcher might work as a waitress in a diner, or live as a homeless person for several weeks, or ride along with police officers as they patrol their regular beat. Often, these researchers try to blend in seamlessly with the population they study, and they may not disclose their true identity or purpose if they feel it would compromise the results of their research.

At the beginning of a field study, researchers might have a question: “What really goes on in the kitchen of the most popular diner on campus?” or “What is it like to be homeless?” Participant observation is a useful method if the researcher wants to explore a certain environment from the inside. Field researchers simply want to observe and learn. In such a setting, the researcher will be alert and open minded to whatever happens, recording all observations accurately. Soon, as patterns emerge, questions will become more specific, observations will lead to hypotheses, and hypotheses will guide the researcher in shaping data into results. In a study of small-town America conducted by sociological researchers John S. Lynd and Helen Merrell Lynd, the team altered their purpose as they gathered data. They initially planned to focus their study on the role of religion in American towns. As they gathered observations, they realized that the effect of industrialization and urbanization was the more relevant topic of this social group. The Lynds did not change their methods, but they revised their purpose. This shaped the structure of Middletown: A Study in Modern American Culture , their published results (Lynd and Lynd 1959).

The Lynds were upfront about their mission. The townspeople of Muncie, Indiana, knew why the researchers were in their midst. But some sociologists prefer not to alert people to their presence. The main advantage of covert participant observation is that it allows the researcher access to authentic, natural behaviours of a group’s members. The challenge, however, is gaining access to a setting without disrupting the pattern of others’ behaviour. Becoming an inside member of a group, organization, or subculture takes time and effort. Researchers must pretend to be something they are not. The process could involve role playing, making contacts, networking, or applying for a job. Once inside a group, some researchers spend months or even years pretending to be one of the people they are observing. However, as observers, they cannot get too involved. They must keep their purpose in mind and apply the sociological perspective. That way, they illuminate social patterns that are often unrecognized. Because information gathered during participant observation is mostly qualitative, rather than quantitative, the end results are often descriptive or interpretive. The researcher might present findings in an article or book, describing what he or she witnessed and experienced.

This type of research is what journalist Barbara Ehrenreich conducted for her book Nickel and Dimed . One day over lunch with her editor, as the story goes, Ehrenreich mentioned an idea. How can people exist on minimum-wage work? How do low-income workers get by? she wondered. Someone should do a study. To her surprise, her editor responded, Why don’t you do it? That is how Ehrenreich found herself joining the ranks of the low-wage service sector. For several months, she left her comfortable home and lived and worked among people who lacked, for the most part, higher education and marketable job skills. Undercover, she applied for and worked minimum wage jobs as a waitress, a cleaning woman, a nursing home aide, and a retail chain employee. During her participant observation, she used only her income from those jobs to pay for food, clothing, transportation, and shelter. She discovered the obvious: that it’s almost impossible to get by on minimum wage work. She also experienced and observed attitudes many middle- and upper-class people never think about. She witnessed firsthand the treatment of service work employees. She saw the extreme measures people take to make ends meet and to survive. She described fellow employees who held two or three jobs, worked seven days a week, lived in cars, could not pay to treat chronic health conditions, got randomly fired, submitted to drug tests, and moved in and out of homeless shelters. She brought aspects of that life to light, describing difficult working conditions and the poor treatment that low-wage workers suffer.

Ethnography

Ethnography is the extended observation of the social perspective and cultural values of an entire social setting. Researchers seek to immerse themselves in the life of a bounded group, by living and working among them. Often ethnography involves participant observation, but the focus is the systematic observation of an entire community.

The heart of an ethnographic study focuses on how subjects view their own social standing and how they understand themselves in relation to a community. An ethnographic study might observe, for example, a small Newfoundland fishing town, an Inuit community, a village in Thailand, a Buddhist monastery, a private boarding school, or Disney World. These places all have borders. People live, work, study, or vacation within those borders. People are there for a certain reason and therefore behave in certain ways and respect certain cultural norms. An ethnographer would commit to spending a determined amount of time studying every aspect of the chosen place, taking in as much as possible, and keeping careful notes on his or her observations.

A sociologist studying a tribe in the Amazon might learn the language, watch the way villagers go about their daily lives, ask individuals about the meaning of different aspects of activity, study the group’s cosmology and then write a paper about it. To observe a spiritual retreat centre, an ethnographer might sign up for a retreat and attend as a guest for an extended stay, observe and record how people experience spirituality in this setting, and collate the material into results.

The Feminist Perspective: Institutional Ethnography

Dorothy Smith elaborated on traditional ethnography to develop what she calls institutional ethnography (2005). In modern society the practices of everyday life in any particular local setting are often organized at a level that goes beyond what an ethnographer might observe directly. Everyday life is structured by “extralocal,” institutional forms; that is, by the practices of institutions that act upon people from a distance. It might be possible to conduct ethnographic research on the experience of domestic abuse by living in a women’s shelter and directly observing and interviewing victims to see how they form an understanding of their situation. However, to the degree that the women are seeking redress through the criminal justice system a crucial element of the situation would be missing. In order to activate a response from the police or the courts, a set of standard legal procedures must be followed, a “case file” must be opened, legally actionable evidence must be established, forms filled out, etc. All of this allows criminal justice agencies to organize and coordinate the response.

The urgent and immediate experience of the domestic abuse victims needs to be translated into a format that enables distant authorities to take action. Often this is a frustrating and mysterious process in which the immediate needs of individuals are neglected so that needs of institutional processes are met. Therefore to research the situation of domestic abuse victims, an ethnography needs to somehow operate at two levels: the close examination of the local experience of particular women and the simultaneous examination of the extralocal, institutional world through which their world is organized. In order to accomplish this, institutional ethnography focuses on the study of the way everyday life is coordinated through “textually mediated” practices: the use of written documents, standardized bureaucratic categories, and formalized relationships (Smith 1990).

Institutional paperwork translates the specific details of locally lived experience into a standardized format that enables institutions to apply the institution’s understandings, regulations, and operations in different local contexts. The study of these textual practices reveal otherwise inaccessible processes that formal organizations depend on: their formality, their organized character, and their ongoing methods of coordination, etc. An institutional ethnography often begins by following the paper trail that emerges when people interact with institutions: how does a person formulate a narrative about what has happened to him or her in a way that the institution will recognize? How is it translated into the abstract categories on a form or screen that enable an institutional response to be initiated? What is preserved in the translation to paperwork and what is lost? Where do the forms go next? What series of “processing interchanges” take place between different departments or agencies through the circulation of paperwork? How is the paperwork modified and made actionable through this process (e.g., an incident report, warrant request, motion for continuance)?

Smith’s insight is that the shift from the locally lived experience of individuals to the extralocal world of institutions is nothing short of a radical metaphysical shift in worldview. In institutional worlds, meanings are detached from directly lived processes and reconstituted in an organizational time, space, and consciousness that is fundamentally different from their original reference point. For example, the crisis that has led to a loss of employment becomes a set of anonymous criteria that determines one’s eligibility for Employment Insurance.

The unique life of a disabled child becomes a checklist that determines the content of an “individual education program” in the school system, which in turn determines whether funding will be provided for special aid assistants or therapeutic programs. Institutions put together a picture of what has occurred that is not at all the same as what was lived. The ubiquitous but obscure mechanism by which this is accomplished is textually mediated communication . The goal of institutional ethnography therefore is to making “documents or texts visible as constituents of social relations” (Smith 1990). Institutional ethnography is very useful as a critical research strategy. It is an analysis that gives grassroots organizations, or those excluded from the circles of institutional power, a detailed knowledge of how the administrative apparatuses actually work. This type of research enables more effective actions and strategies for change to be pursued.

The Case Study

However, case studies are useful when the single case is unique. In these instances, a single case study can add tremendous knowledge to a certain discipline. For example, a feral child, also called “wild child,” is one who grows up isolated from human beings. Feral children grow up without social contact and language, elements crucial to a “civilized” child’s development. These children mimic the behaviours and movements of animals, and often invent their own language. There are only about 100 cases of “feral children” in the world. As you may imagine, a feral child is a subject of great interest to researchers. Feral children provide unique information about child development because they have grown up outside of the parameters of “normal” child development. And since there are very few feral children, the case study is the most appropriate method for researchers to use in studying the subject. At age three, a Ukrainian girl named Oxana Malaya suffered severe parental neglect. She lived in a shed with dogs, eating raw meat and scraps. Five years later, a neighbour called authorities and reported seeing a girl who ran on all fours, barking. Officials brought Oxana into society, where she was cared for and taught some human behaviours, but she never became fully socialized. She has been designated as unable to support herself and now lives in a mental institution (Grice 2006). Case studies like this offer a way for sociologists to collect data that may not be collectable by any other method.

Secondary Data or Textual Analysis

While sociologists often engage in original research studies, they also contribute knowledge to the discipline through secondary data or textual analysis . Secondary data do not result from firsthand research collected from primary sources, but are drawn from the already-completed work of other researchers. Sociologists might study texts written by historians, economists, teachers, or early sociologists. They might search through periodicals, newspapers, or magazines from any period in history. Using available information not only saves time and money, but it can add depth to a study. Sociologists often interpret findings in a new way, a way that was not part of an author’s original purpose or intention. To study how women were encouraged to act and behave in the 1960s, for example, a researcher might watch movies, televisions shows, and situation comedies from that period. Or to research changes in behaviour and attitudes due to the emergence of television in the late 1950s and early 1960s, a sociologist would rely on new interpretations of secondary data. Decades from now, researchers will most likely conduct similar studies on the advent of mobile phones, the Internet, or Facebook.

One methodology that sociologists employ with secondary data is content analysis. Content analysis is a quantitative approach to textual research that selects an item of textual content (i.e., a variable) that can be reliably and consistently observed and coded, and surveys the prevalence of that item in a sample of textual output. For example, Gilens (1996) wanted to find out why survey research shows that the American public substantially exaggerates the percentage of African Americans among the poor. He examined whether media representations influence public perceptions and did a content analysis of photographs of poor people in American news magazines. He coded and then systematically recorded incidences of three variables: (1) Race: white, black, indeterminate; (2) Employed: working, not working; and (3) Age. Gilens discovered that not only were African Americans markedly overrepresented in news magazine photographs of poverty, but that the photos also tended to underrepresent “sympathetic” subgroups of the poor—the elderly and working poor—while overrepresenting less sympathetic groups—unemployed, working age adults. Gilens concluded that by providing a distorted representation of poverty, U.S. news magazines “reinforce negative stereotypes of blacks as mired in poverty and contribute to the belief that poverty is primarily a ‘black problem’” (1996).

Social scientists also learn by analyzing the research of a variety of agencies. Governmental departments and global groups, like Statistics Canada or the World Health Organization, publish studies with findings that are useful to sociologists. A public statistic that measures inequality of incomes might be useful for studying who benefited and who lost as a result of the 2008 recession; a demographic profile of different immigrant groups might be compared with data on unemployment to examine the reasons why immigration settlement programs are more effective for some communities than for others. One of the advantages of secondary data is that it is nonreactive (or unobtrusive) research, meaning that it does not include direct contact with subjects and will not alter or influence people’s behaviours. Unlike studies requiring direct contact with people, using previously published data does not require entering a population and the investment and risks inherent in that research process. Using available data does have its challenges. Public records are not always easy to access. A researcher needs to do some legwork to track them down and gain access to records. In some cases there is no way to verify the accuracy of existing data. It is easy, for example, to count how many drunk drivers are pulled over by the police. But how many are not? While it’s possible to discover the percentage of teenage students who drop out of high school, it might be more challenging to determine the number who return to school or get their GED later.

Another problem arises when data are unavailable in the exact form needed or do not include the precise angle the researcher seeks. For example, the salaries paid to professors at universities is often published. But the separate figures do not necessarily reveal how long it took each professor to reach the salary range, what their educational backgrounds are, or how long they have been teaching. In his research, sociologist Richard Sennett uses secondary data to shed light on current trends. In The Craftsman (2008), he studied the human desire to perform quality work, from carpentry to computer programming. He studied the line between craftsmanship and skilled manual labour. He also studied changes in attitudes toward craftsmanship that occurred not only during and after the Industrial Revolution, but also in ancient times. Obviously, he could not have firsthand knowledge of periods of ancient history; he had to rely on secondary data for part of his study. When conducting secondary data or textual analysis, it is important to consider the date of publication of an existing source and to take into account attitudes and common cultural ideals that may have influenced the research. For example, Robert S. Lynd and Helen Merrell Lynd gathered research for their book Middletown: A Study in Modern American Culture in the 1920s. Attitudes and cultural norms were vastly different then than they are now. Beliefs about gender roles, race, education, and work have changed significantly since then. At the time, the study’s purpose was to reveal the truth about small American communities. Today, it is an illustration of 1920s attitudes and values.

Sociologists conduct studies to shed light on human behaviours. Knowledge is a powerful tool that can be used toward positive change. And while a sociologist’s goal is often simply to uncover knowledge rather than to spur action, many people use sociological studies to help improve people’s lives. In that sense, conducting a sociological study comes with a tremendous amount of responsibility. Like any researchers, sociologists must consider their ethical obligation to avoid harming subjects or groups while conducting their research. The Canadian Sociological Association, or CSA, is the major professional organization of sociologists in Canada. The CSA is a great resource for students of sociology as well.

The CSA maintains a code of ethics —formal guidelines for conducting sociological research—consisting of principles and ethical standards to be used in the discipline. It also describes procedures for filing, investigating, and resolving complaints of unethical conduct. These are in line with the Tri-Council Policy Statement on Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans (2010) , which applies to any research with human subjects funded by one of the three federal research agencies – the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR), the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada (NSERC), and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC).

Practising sociologists and sociology students have a lot to consider. Some of the guidelines state that researchers must try to be skillful and fair-minded in their work, especially as it relates to their human subjects. Researchers must obtain participants’ informed consent, and inform subjects of the responsibilities and risks of research before they agree to participate. During a study, sociologists must ensure the safety of participants and immediately stop work if a subject becomes potentially endangered on any level. Researchers are required to protect the privacy of research participants whenever possible. Even if pressured by authorities, such as police or courts, researchers are not ethically allowed to release confidential information. Researchers must make results available to other sociologists, must make public all sources of financial support, and must not accept funding from any organization that might cause a conflict of interest or seek to influence the research results for its own purposes. The CSA’s ethical considerations shape not only the study but also the publication of results.

Pioneer German sociologist Max Weber (1864–1920) identified another crucial ethical concern. Weber understood that personal values could distort the framework for disclosing study results. While he accepted that some aspects of research design might be influenced by personal values, he declared it was entirely inappropriate to allow personal values to shape the interpretation of the responses. Sociologists, he stated, must establish value neutrality , a practice of remaining impartial, without bias or judgment, during the course of a study and in publishing results (1949). Sociologists are obligated to disclose research findings without omitting or distorting significant data. Value neutrality does not mean having no opinions. It means striving to overcome personal biases, particularly subconscious biases, when analyzing data. It means avoiding skewing data in order to match a predetermined outcome that aligns with a particular agenda, such as a political or moral point of view. Investigators are ethically obligated to report results, even when they contradict personal views, predicted outcomes, or widely accepted beliefs. Is value neutrality possible?

Many sociologists believe it is impossible to set aside personal values and retain complete objectivity. Individuals inevitably see the world from a partial perspective. Their interests are central to the types of topics they choose, the types of questions they ask, the way they frame their research and the research methodologies they select to pursue it. Moreover, facts, however objective, do not exist in a void. As we noted in Chapter 1, Jürgen Habermas (1972) argues that sociological research has built-in interests quite apart from the personal biases of individual researchers. Positivist sociology has an interest in pursuing types of knowledge that are useful for controlling and administering social life. Interpretive sociology has an interest in pursuing types of knowledge that promote greater mutual understanding and the possibility of consensus among members of society. Critical sociology has an interest in types of knowledge that enable emancipation from power relations and forms of domination in society. In Habermas’ view, sociological knowledge is not disinterested knowledge. This does not discredit the results of sociological research but allows readers to take into account the perspective of the research when judging the validity and applicability of its outcomes.

case study in-depth analysis of a single event, situation, or individual

code of ethics a set of guidelines that the Canadian Sociological Association has established to foster ethical research and professionally responsible scholarship in sociology

content analysis a quantitative approach to textual research that selects an item of textual content that can be reliably and consistently observed and coded, and surveys the prevalence of that item in a sample of textual output

control group an experimental group that is not exposed to the independent variable

correlation when a change in one variable coincides with a change in another variable, but does not necessarily indicate causation

d ependent variable variable changed by another variable

empirical evidence evidence corroborated by direct experience and/or observation

ethnography observing a complete social setting and all that it entails

experiment the testing of a hypothesis under controlled conditions

field research gathering data from a natural environment without doing a lab experiment or a survey

Hawthorne effect when study subjects behave in a certain manner due to their awareness of being observed by a researcher

hypothesis an educated guess with predicted outcomes about the relationship between two or more variables hypothetico-deductive methodologies methodologies based on deducing a prediction from a hypothesis and testing the validity of the hypothesis by whether it correctly predicts observations

independent variable variable that causes change in a dependent variable

inductive approach methodologies that derive a general statement from a series of empirical observations

institutional ethnography the study of the way everyday life is coordinated through institutional, textually mediated practices

interpretive approach a sociological research approach that seeks in-depth understanding of a topic or subject through observation or interaction

interview a one-on-one conversation between a researcher and a subject

literature review a scholarly research step that entails identifying and studying all existing studies on a topic to create a basis for new research

nonreactive unobtrusive research that does not include direct contact with subjects and will not alter or influence people’s behaviours

operational definitions specific explanations of abstract concepts that a researcher plans to study

participant observation immersion by a researcher in a group or social setting in order to make observations from an “insider” perspective

population a defined group serving as the subject of a study

positivist approach a research approach based on the natural science model of knowledge utilizing a hypothetico-deductive formulation of the research question and quantitative data

primary data data collected directly from firsthand experience

qualitative data information based on interpretations of meaning

quantitative data information from research collected in numerical form that can be counted

random sample a study’s participants being randomly selected to serve as a representation of a larger population reliability a measure of a study’s consistency that considers how likely results are to be replicated if a study is reproduced research design a detailed, systematic method for conducting research and obtaining data

sample small, manageable number of subjects that represent the population

scientific method a systematic research method that involves asking a question, researching existing sources, forming a hypothesis, designing and conducting a study, and drawing conclusions

secondary data analysis using data collected by others but applying new interpretations

surveys data collections from subjects who respond to a series of questions about behaviours and opinions, often in the form of a questionnaire

textually mediated communication institutional forms of communication that rely on written documents, texts, and paperwork

validity the degree to which a sociological measure accurately reflects the topic of study

value neutrality a practice of remaining impartial, without bias or judgment during the course of a study and in publishing results

variable a characteristic or measure of a social phenomenon that can take different values

Section Summary

2.1. Approaches to Sociological Research Using the scientific method, a researcher conducts a study in five phases: asking a question, researching existing sources, formulating a hypothesis, conducting a study, and drawing conclusions. The scientific method is useful in that it provides a clear method of organizing a study. Some sociologists conduct scientific research through a positivist framework utilizing a hypothetico-deductive formulation of the research question. Other sociologists conduct scientific research by employing an interpretive framework that is often inductive in nature. Scientific sociological studies often observe relationships between variables. Researchers study how one variable changes another. Prior to conducting a study, researchers are careful to apply operational definitions to their terms and to establish dependent and independent variables.

2.2. Research Methods Sociological research is a fairly complex process. As you can see, a lot goes into even a simple research design. There are many steps and much to consider when collecting data on human behaviour, as well as in interpreting and analyzing data in order to form conclusive results. Sociologists use scientific methods for good reason. The scientific method provides a system of organization that helps researchers plan and conduct the study while ensuring that data and results are reliable, valid, and objective. The many methods available to researchers—including experiments, surveys, field studies, and secondary data analysis—all come with advantages and disadvantages. The strength of a study can depend on the choice and implementation of the appropriate method of gathering research. Depending on the topic, a study might use a single method or a combination of methods. It is important to plan a research design before undertaking a study. The information gathered may in itself be surprising, and the study design should provide a solid framework in which to analyze predicted and unpredicted data.

Table 2.2. Main Sociological Research Methods. Sociological research methods have advantages and disadvantages.

2.3. Ethical Concerns Sociologists and sociology students must take ethical responsibility for any study they conduct. They must first and foremost guarantee the safety of their participants. Whenever possible, they must ensure that participants have been fully informed before consenting to be part of a study. The CSA (Canadian Sociological Association) maintains ethical guidelines that sociologists must take into account as they conduct research. The guidelines address conducting studies, properly using existing sources, accepting funding, and publishing results. Sociologists must try to maintain value neutrality. They must gather and analyze data objectively, setting aside their personal preferences, beliefs, and opinions. They must report findings accurately, even if they contradict personal convictions.

Section Quiz

2.1. Approaches to Sociological Research 1. A measurement is considered ______ if it actually measures what it is intended to measure, according to the topic of the study.

sociological
quantitative

2. Sociological studies test relationships in which change in one ______ causes change in another.

test subject
operational definition

3. In a study, a group of 10-year-old boys are fed doughnuts every morning for a week and then weighed to see how much weight they gained. Which factor is the dependent variable?

the doughnuts
the duration of a week
the weight gained

4. Which statement provides the best operational definition of “childhood obesity”?

children who eat unhealthy foods and spend too much time watching television and playing video games
a distressing trend that can lead to health issues including type 2 diabetes and heart disease
body weight at least 20 percent higher than a healthy weight for a child of that height
the tendency of children today to weigh more than children of earlier generations

2.2. Research Methods 5. Which materials are considered secondary data?

photos and letters given to you by another person
books and articles written by other authors about their studies
information that you have gathered and now have included in your results
responses from participants whom you both surveyed and interviewed

6. What method did Andrew Ivsins use to study crack users in Victoria?

field research
content analysis

7. Why is choosing a random sample an effective way to select participants?

Participants do not know they are part of a study
The researcher has no control over who is in the study
It is larger than an ordinary sample
Everyone has the same chance of being part of the study

8. What research method did John S. Lynd and Helen Merrell Lynd mainly use in their Middletown study?

secondary data
participant observation

9. Which research approach is best suited to the positivist approach?

questionnaire
ethnography
secondary data analysis

10. The main difference between ethnography and other types of participant observation is:

ethnography isn’t based on hypothesis testing
ethnography subjects are unaware they’re being studied
ethnographic studies always involve minority ethnic groups
there is no difference

11. Which best describes the results of a case study?

it produces more reliable results than other methods because of its depth
its results are not generally applicable
it relies solely on secondary data analysis
all of the above

12. Using secondary data is considered an unobtrusive or ________ research method.

nonreactive
nonparticipatory
nonrestrictive
nonconfrontive

2.3. Ethical Concerns 13. Which statement illustrates value neutrality?

Obesity in children is obviously a result of parental neglect and, therefore, schools should take a greater role to prevent it.
In 2003, states like Arkansas adopted laws requiring elementary schools to remove soft drink vending machines from schools.
Merely restricting children’s access to junk food at school is not enough to prevent obesity.
Physical activity and healthy eating are a fundamental part of a child’s education.

14. Which person or organization defined the concept of value neutrality?

Institutional Review Board (IRB)
Peter Rossi
Canadian Sociological Association (CSA)

15. To study the effects of fast food on lifestyle, health, and culture, from which group would a researcher ethically be unable to accept funding?

a fast-food restaurant
a nonprofit health organization
a private hospital
a governmental agency like Health and Social Services

Short Answer

Write down the first three steps of the scientific method. Think of a broad topic that you are interested in and which would make a good sociological study—for example, ethnic diversity in a college, homecoming rituals, athletic scholarships, or teen driving. Now, take that topic through the first steps of the process. For each step, write a few sentences or a paragraph: 1) Ask a question about the topic. 2) Do some research and write down the titles of some articles or books you’d want to read about the topic. 3) Formulate a hypothesis.

2.2.Research Methods

What type of data do surveys gather? For what topics would surveys be the best research method? What drawbacks might you expect to encounter when using a survey? To explore further, ask a research question and write a hypothesis. Then create a survey of about six questions relevant to the topic. Provide a rationale for each question. Now define your population and create a plan for recruiting a random sample and administering the survey.
Imagine you are about to do field research in a specific place for a set time. Instead of thinking about the topic of study itself, consider how you, as the researcher, will have to prepare for the study. What personal, social, and physical sacrifices will you have to make? How will you manage your personal effects? What organizational equipment and systems will you need to collect the data?
Create a brief research design about a topic in which you are passionately interested. Now write a letter to a philanthropic or grant organization requesting funding for your study. How can you describe the project in a convincing yet realistic and objective way? Explain how the results of your study will be a relevant contribution to the body of sociological work already in existence.
Why do you think the CSA crafted such a detailed set of ethical principles? What type of study could put human participants at risk? Think of some examples of studies that might be harmful. Do you think that, in the name of sociology, some researchers might be tempted to cross boundaries that threaten human rights? Why?
Would you willingly participate in a sociological study that could potentially put your health and safety at risk, but had the potential to help thousands or even hundreds of thousands of people? For example, would you participate in a study of a new drug that could cure diabetes or cancer, even if it meant great inconvenience and physical discomfort for you or possible permanent damage?

Further Research

2.1. Approaches to Sociological Research For a historical perspective on the scientific method in sociology, read “The Elements of Scientific Method in Sociology” by F. Stuart Chapin (1914) in the American Journal of Sociology : http://openstaxcollege.org/l/Method-in-Sociology

2.2. Research Methods For information on current real-world sociology experiments, visit: http://openstaxcollege.org/l/Sociology-Experiments

2.3. Ethical Concerns Founded in 1966, the CSA is a nonprofit organization located in Montreal, Quebec, with a membership of 900 researchers, faculty members, students, and practitioners of sociology. Its mission is to promote “research, publication and teaching in Sociology in Canada.” Learn more about this organization at http://www.csa-scs.ca/ .

2.1. Approaches to Sociological Research Merton, Robert. 1968 [1949]. Social Theory and Social Structure . New York: Free Press.

2.2. Research Methods Forget, Evelyn. 2011. “The Town with no Poverty: Using Health Administration Data to Revisit Outcomes of a Canadian Guaranteed Annual Income Field Experiement.” Canadian Public Policy . 37(3): 282-305.

Franke, Richard and James Kaul. 1978. “The Hawthorne Experiments: First Statistical Interpretation.” American Sociological Review 43(5):632–643.

Gilens, Martin. 1996. “Race and Poverty in America: Public Misperceptions and the American News Media.” The Public Opinion Quarterly 60(4):515–541. Grice, Elizabeth. 2006. “Cry of an Enfant Sauvage.” The Telegraph . Retrieved July 20, 2011 ( http://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/tvandradio/3653890/Cry-of-an-enfant-sauvage.html ).

Haney, C., Banks, W. C., and Zimbardo, P. G. 1973. “Interpersonal Dynamics in a Simulated Prison.” International Journal of Criminology and Penology 1:69–97.

Ivsins, A.K. 2010. “’Got a pipe?’ The social dimensions and functions of crack pipe sharing among crack users in Victoria, BC.” MA thesis, Department of Sociology, University of Victoria. Retrieved February 14, 2014 ( http://dspace.library.uvic.ca:8080/bitstream/handle/1828/3044/Full%20thesis%20Ivsins_CPS.2010_FINAL.pdf?sequence=1 )

Lowrey, Annie. 2013. “Switzerland’s Proposal to Pay People for Being Alive.” The New York Times Magazine. Retrieved February 17, 2014 ( http://www.nytimes.com/2013/11/17/magazine/switzerlands-proposal-to-pay-people-for-being-alive.html?pagewanted=1&_r=2 ).

Lynd, Robert S. and Helen Merrell Lynd. 1959. Middletown: A Study in Modern American Culture . San Diego, CA: Harcourt Brace Javanovich.

Lynd, Staughton. 2005. “Making Middleton.” Indiana Magazine of History 101(3):226–238.

Marshall, B.D.L., M.J. Milloy, E. Wood, J.S.G. Montaner, and T. Kerr. 2011. “Reduction in overdose mortality after the opening of North America’s first medically supervised safer injecting facility: A retrospective population-based study.” Lancet 377(9775):1429–1437.

Rothman, Rodney. 2000. “My Fake Job.” The New Yorker , November 27, 120.

Sennett, Richard. 2008. The Craftsman . New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Retrieved July 18, 2011 ( http://www.richardsennett.com/site/SENN/Templates/General.aspx?pageid=40 ).

Smith, Dorothy. 1990. “Textually Mediated Social Organization” Pp. 209–234 in Texts, Facts and Femininity: Exploring the Relations of Ruling. London: Routledge.

Smith, Dorothy. 2005. Institutional Ethnography: A Sociology for People. Toronto: Altamira Press.

Sonnenfeld, Jeffery A. 1985. “Shedding Light on the Hawthorne Studies.” Journal of Occupational Behavior 6:125.

Wood, E., M.W. Tyndall, J.S. Montaner, and T. Kerr. 2006. “Summary of findings from the evaluation of a pilot medically supervised safer injecting facility.” Canadian Medical Association Journal 175(11):1399–1404.

2.3. Ethical Concerns Canadian Institutes of Health Research, Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada, and Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. 2010. Tri-Council Policy Statement: Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans . Retrieved February 15, 2014 ( http://www.pre.ethics.gc.ca/pdf/eng/tcps2/TCPS_2_FINAL_Web.pdf ).

Canadian Sociological Association. 2012. Statement of Professional Ethics . Retrieved February 15, 2014 ( http://www.csa-scs.ca/files/www/csa/documents/codeofethics/2012Ethics.pdf ).

Habermas, Jürgen. 1972. Knowledge and Human Interests. Boston: Beacon Press

Weber, Max. 1949. Methodology of the Social Sciences . Translated by H. Shils and E. Finch. Glencoe, IL: Free Press.

Solutions to Section Quiz

1. C | 2. C | 3. D | 4. C | 5. B | 6. C | 7. D | 8. C | 9. A | 10. A | 11. B | 12. A | 13. B | 14. D | 15. A

Image Attributions

Figure 2.3. Didn’t they abolish the mandatory census? Then what’s this? by Khosrow Ebrahimpour ( https://www.flickr.com/photos/xosrow/5685345306/in/photolist-9EoT5W-ow4tdu-oeGG4m-oeMEcK-oy2jM2-ovJC8w-oePSRQ-9J2V24-of1Hnu-of243u-of2K2B-of2FHn-owiBSA-owtQN3-of1Ktd-oitLSC-oeVJte-oep8KX-ovEz8w-oeohhF-oew5Xb-oewdWN-owavju-oeMEnV-oweLcN-ovEPGG-ovAQUX-oeo2eL-oeo3Fd-oeoqxh-oxCKnv-ovEzA5-oewFHa-ovHRSz-ow8QtY-oeQY6Y-oeZReR-oeQmHw-oeKXid-oeQLKa-oy6fNT-ow4sVT-oeQMQq-oeQPPr-oeQYbL-ow8hS1-ow4n8v-owiPKS-oeQF41-oeiH5z ) used under CC BY 2.0 ( https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/ )

Figure 2.4. Dauphin Canadian Northern Railway Station by Bobak Ha’Eri ( http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:2009-0520-TrainStation-Dauphin.jpg ) used under CC BY 3.0 license ( http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/deed.en )

Figure 2.5. Punk Band by Patrick ( https://www.flickr.com/photos/lordkhan/181561343/in/photostream/ ) used under CC BY 2.0 ( https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/ )

Figure 2.6. Crack Cocaine Smokers in Vancouver Alleyway ( http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Crack_Cocaine_Smokers_in_Vancouver_Alleyway.jpg ) is in the public domain ( http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Public_domain )

Figure 2.8. Muncie, Indiana High School: 1917 by Don O’Brien ( https://www.flickr.com/photos/dok1/3694125269/ ) used under CC BY 2.0 license ( https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/ )

Introduction to Sociology - 1st Canadian Edition Copyright © 2014 by William Little and Ron McGivern is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

Share This Book

Search Menu
Browse content in Arts and Humanities
Browse content in Archaeology
Anglo-Saxon and Medieval Archaeology
Archaeological Methodology and Techniques
Archaeology by Region
Archaeology of Religion
Archaeology of Trade and Exchange
Biblical Archaeology
Contemporary and Public Archaeology
Environmental Archaeology
Historical Archaeology
History and Theory of Archaeology
Industrial Archaeology
Landscape Archaeology
Mortuary Archaeology
Prehistoric Archaeology
Underwater Archaeology
Urban Archaeology
Zooarchaeology
Browse content in Architecture
Architectural Structure and Design
History of Architecture
Residential and Domestic Buildings
Theory of Architecture
Browse content in Art
Art Subjects and Themes
History of Art
Industrial and Commercial Art
Theory of Art
Biographical Studies
Byzantine Studies
Browse content in Classical Studies
Classical History
Classical Philosophy
Classical Mythology
Classical Literature
Classical Reception
Classical Art and Architecture
Classical Oratory and Rhetoric
Greek and Roman Papyrology
Greek and Roman Epigraphy
Greek and Roman Law
Greek and Roman Archaeology
Late Antiquity
Religion in the Ancient World
Digital Humanities
Browse content in History
Colonialism and Imperialism
Diplomatic History
Environmental History
Genealogy, Heraldry, Names, and Honours
Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing
Historical Geography
History by Period
History of Emotions
History of Agriculture
History of Education
History of Gender and Sexuality
Industrial History
Intellectual History
International History
Labour History
Legal and Constitutional History
Local and Family History
Maritime History
Military History
National Liberation and Post-Colonialism
Oral History
Political History
Public History
Regional and National History
Revolutions and Rebellions
Slavery and Abolition of Slavery
Social and Cultural History
Theory, Methods, and Historiography
Urban History
World History
Browse content in Language Teaching and Learning
Language Learning (Specific Skills)
Language Teaching Theory and Methods
Browse content in Linguistics
Applied Linguistics
Cognitive Linguistics
Computational Linguistics
Forensic Linguistics
Grammar, Syntax and Morphology
Historical and Diachronic Linguistics
History of English
Language Evolution
Language Reference
Language Acquisition
Language Variation
Language Families
Lexicography
Linguistic Anthropology
Linguistic Theories
Linguistic Typology
Phonetics and Phonology
Psycholinguistics
Sociolinguistics
Translation and Interpretation
Writing Systems
Browse content in Literature
Bibliography
Children's Literature Studies
Literary Studies (Romanticism)
Literary Studies (American)
Literary Studies (Asian)
Literary Studies (European)
Literary Studies (Eco-criticism)
Literary Studies (Modernism)
Literary Studies - World
Literary Studies (1500 to 1800)
Literary Studies (19th Century)
Literary Studies (20th Century onwards)
Literary Studies (African American Literature)
Literary Studies (British and Irish)
Literary Studies (Early and Medieval)
Literary Studies (Fiction, Novelists, and Prose Writers)
Literary Studies (Gender Studies)
Literary Studies (Graphic Novels)
Literary Studies (History of the Book)
Literary Studies (Plays and Playwrights)
Literary Studies (Poetry and Poets)
Literary Studies (Postcolonial Literature)
Literary Studies (Queer Studies)
Literary Studies (Science Fiction)
Literary Studies (Travel Literature)
Literary Studies (War Literature)
Literary Studies (Women's Writing)
Literary Theory and Cultural Studies
Mythology and Folklore
Shakespeare Studies and Criticism
Browse content in Media Studies
Browse content in Music
Applied Music
Dance and Music
Ethics in Music
Ethnomusicology
Gender and Sexuality in Music
Medicine and Music
Music Cultures
Music and Media
Music and Religion
Music and Culture
Music Education and Pedagogy
Music Theory and Analysis
Musical Scores, Lyrics, and Libretti
Musical Structures, Styles, and Techniques
Musicology and Music History
Performance Practice and Studies
Race and Ethnicity in Music
Sound Studies
Browse content in Performing Arts
Browse content in Philosophy
Aesthetics and Philosophy of Art
Epistemology
Feminist Philosophy
History of Western Philosophy
Metaphysics
Moral Philosophy
Non-Western Philosophy
Philosophy of Language
Philosophy of Mind
Philosophy of Perception
Philosophy of Science
Philosophy of Action
Philosophy of Law
Philosophy of Religion
Philosophy of Mathematics and Logic
Practical Ethics
Social and Political Philosophy
Browse content in Religion
Biblical Studies
Christianity
East Asian Religions
History of Religion
Judaism and Jewish Studies
Qumran Studies
Religion and Education
Religion and Health
Religion and Politics
Religion and Science
Religion and Law
Religion and Art, Literature, and Music
Religious Studies
Browse content in Society and Culture
Cookery, Food, and Drink
Cultural Studies
Customs and Traditions
Ethical Issues and Debates
Hobbies, Games, Arts and Crafts
Lifestyle, Home, and Garden
Natural world, Country Life, and Pets
Popular Beliefs and Controversial Knowledge
Sports and Outdoor Recreation
Technology and Society
Travel and Holiday
Visual Culture
Browse content in Law
Arbitration
Browse content in Company and Commercial Law
Commercial Law
Company Law
Browse content in Comparative Law
Systems of Law
Competition Law
Browse content in Constitutional and Administrative Law
Government Powers
Judicial Review
Local Government Law
Military and Defence Law
Parliamentary and Legislative Practice
Construction Law
Contract Law
Browse content in Criminal Law
Criminal Procedure
Criminal Evidence Law
Sentencing and Punishment
Employment and Labour Law
Environment and Energy Law
Browse content in Financial Law
Banking Law
Insolvency Law
History of Law
Human Rights and Immigration
Intellectual Property Law
Browse content in International Law
Private International Law and Conflict of Laws
Public International Law
IT and Communications Law
Jurisprudence and Philosophy of Law
Law and Politics
Law and Society
Browse content in Legal System and Practice
Courts and Procedure
Legal Skills and Practice
Primary Sources of Law
Regulation of Legal Profession
Medical and Healthcare Law
Browse content in Policing
Criminal Investigation and Detection
Police and Security Services
Police Procedure and Law
Police Regional Planning
Browse content in Property Law
Personal Property Law
Study and Revision
Terrorism and National Security Law
Browse content in Trusts Law
Wills and Probate or Succession
Browse content in Medicine and Health
Browse content in Allied Health Professions
Arts Therapies
Clinical Science
Dietetics and Nutrition
Occupational Therapy
Operating Department Practice
Physiotherapy
Radiography
Speech and Language Therapy
Browse content in Anaesthetics
General Anaesthesia
Neuroanaesthesia
Clinical Neuroscience
Browse content in Clinical Medicine
Acute Medicine
Cardiovascular Medicine
Clinical Genetics
Clinical Pharmacology and Therapeutics
Dermatology
Endocrinology and Diabetes
Gastroenterology
Genito-urinary Medicine
Geriatric Medicine
Infectious Diseases
Medical Toxicology
Medical Oncology
Pain Medicine
Palliative Medicine
Rehabilitation Medicine
Respiratory Medicine and Pulmonology
Rheumatology
Sleep Medicine
Sports and Exercise Medicine
Community Medical Services
Critical Care
Emergency Medicine
Forensic Medicine
Haematology
History of Medicine
Browse content in Medical Skills
Clinical Skills
Communication Skills
Nursing Skills
Surgical Skills
Browse content in Medical Dentistry
Oral and Maxillofacial Surgery
Paediatric Dentistry
Restorative Dentistry and Orthodontics
Surgical Dentistry
Medical Ethics
Medical Statistics and Methodology
Browse content in Neurology
Clinical Neurophysiology
Neuropathology
Nursing Studies
Browse content in Obstetrics and Gynaecology
Gynaecology
Occupational Medicine
Ophthalmology
Otolaryngology (ENT)
Browse content in Paediatrics
Neonatology
Browse content in Pathology
Chemical Pathology
Clinical Cytogenetics and Molecular Genetics
Histopathology
Medical Microbiology and Virology
Patient Education and Information
Browse content in Pharmacology
Psychopharmacology
Browse content in Popular Health
Caring for Others
Complementary and Alternative Medicine
Self-help and Personal Development
Browse content in Preclinical Medicine
Cell Biology
Molecular Biology and Genetics
Reproduction, Growth and Development
Primary Care
Professional Development in Medicine
Browse content in Psychiatry
Addiction Medicine
Child and Adolescent Psychiatry
Forensic Psychiatry
Learning Disabilities
Old Age Psychiatry
Psychotherapy
Browse content in Public Health and Epidemiology
Epidemiology
Public Health
Browse content in Radiology
Clinical Radiology
Interventional Radiology
Nuclear Medicine
Radiation Oncology
Reproductive Medicine
Browse content in Surgery
Cardiothoracic Surgery
Gastro-intestinal and Colorectal Surgery
General Surgery
Neurosurgery
Paediatric Surgery
Peri-operative Care
Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery
Surgical Oncology
Transplant Surgery
Trauma and Orthopaedic Surgery
Vascular Surgery
Browse content in Science and Mathematics
Browse content in Biological Sciences
Aquatic Biology
Biochemistry
Bioinformatics and Computational Biology
Developmental Biology
Ecology and Conservation
Evolutionary Biology
Genetics and Genomics
Microbiology
Molecular and Cell Biology
Natural History
Plant Sciences and Forestry
Research Methods in Life Sciences
Structural Biology
Systems Biology
Zoology and Animal Sciences
Browse content in Chemistry
Analytical Chemistry
Computational Chemistry
Crystallography
Environmental Chemistry
Industrial Chemistry
Inorganic Chemistry
Materials Chemistry
Medicinal Chemistry
Mineralogy and Gems
Organic Chemistry
Physical Chemistry
Polymer Chemistry
Study and Communication Skills in Chemistry
Theoretical Chemistry
Browse content in Computer Science
Artificial Intelligence
Computer Architecture and Logic Design
Game Studies
Human-Computer Interaction
Mathematical Theory of Computation
Programming Languages
Software Engineering
Systems Analysis and Design
Virtual Reality
Browse content in Computing
Business Applications
Computer Security
Computer Games
Computer Networking and Communications
Digital Lifestyle
Graphical and Digital Media Applications
Operating Systems
Browse content in Earth Sciences and Geography
Atmospheric Sciences
Environmental Geography
Geology and the Lithosphere
Maps and Map-making
Meteorology and Climatology
Oceanography and Hydrology
Palaeontology
Physical Geography and Topography
Regional Geography
Soil Science
Urban Geography
Browse content in Engineering and Technology
Agriculture and Farming
Biological Engineering
Civil Engineering, Surveying, and Building
Electronics and Communications Engineering
Energy Technology
Engineering (General)
Environmental Science, Engineering, and Technology
History of Engineering and Technology
Mechanical Engineering and Materials
Technology of Industrial Chemistry
Transport Technology and Trades
Browse content in Environmental Science
Applied Ecology (Environmental Science)
Conservation of the Environment (Environmental Science)
Environmental Sustainability
Environmentalist Thought and Ideology (Environmental Science)
Management of Land and Natural Resources (Environmental Science)
Natural Disasters (Environmental Science)
Nuclear Issues (Environmental Science)
Pollution and Threats to the Environment (Environmental Science)
Social Impact of Environmental Issues (Environmental Science)
History of Science and Technology
Browse content in Materials Science
Ceramics and Glasses
Composite Materials
Metals, Alloying, and Corrosion
Nanotechnology
Browse content in Mathematics
Applied Mathematics
Biomathematics and Statistics
History of Mathematics
Mathematical Education
Mathematical Finance
Mathematical Analysis
Numerical and Computational Mathematics
Probability and Statistics
Pure Mathematics
Browse content in Neuroscience
Cognition and Behavioural Neuroscience
Development of the Nervous System
Disorders of the Nervous System
History of Neuroscience
Invertebrate Neurobiology
Molecular and Cellular Systems
Neuroendocrinology and Autonomic Nervous System
Neuroscientific Techniques
Sensory and Motor Systems
Browse content in Physics
Astronomy and Astrophysics
Atomic, Molecular, and Optical Physics
Biological and Medical Physics
Classical Mechanics
Computational Physics
Condensed Matter Physics
Electromagnetism, Optics, and Acoustics
History of Physics
Mathematical and Statistical Physics
Measurement Science
Nuclear Physics
Particles and Fields
Plasma Physics
Quantum Physics
Relativity and Gravitation
Semiconductor and Mesoscopic Physics
Browse content in Psychology
Affective Sciences
Clinical Psychology
Cognitive Psychology
Cognitive Neuroscience
Criminal and Forensic Psychology
Developmental Psychology
Educational Psychology
Evolutionary Psychology
Health Psychology
History and Systems in Psychology
Music Psychology
Neuropsychology
Organizational Psychology
Psychological Assessment and Testing
Psychology of Human-Technology Interaction
Psychology Professional Development and Training
Research Methods in Psychology
Social Psychology
Browse content in Social Sciences
Browse content in Anthropology
Anthropology of Religion
Human Evolution
Medical Anthropology
Physical Anthropology
Regional Anthropology
Social and Cultural Anthropology
Theory and Practice of Anthropology
Browse content in Business and Management
Business Ethics
Business Strategy
Business History
Business and Technology
Business and Government
Business and the Environment
Comparative Management
Corporate Governance
Corporate Social Responsibility
Entrepreneurship
Health Management
Human Resource Management
Industrial and Employment Relations
Industry Studies
Information and Communication Technologies
International Business
Knowledge Management
Management and Management Techniques
Operations Management
Organizational Theory and Behaviour
Pensions and Pension Management
Public and Nonprofit Management
Strategic Management
Supply Chain Management
Browse content in Criminology and Criminal Justice
Criminal Justice
Criminology
Forms of Crime
International and Comparative Criminology
Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice
Development Studies
Browse content in Economics
Agricultural, Environmental, and Natural Resource Economics
Asian Economics
Behavioural Finance
Behavioural Economics and Neuroeconomics
Econometrics and Mathematical Economics
Economic History
Economic Systems
Economic Methodology
Economic Development and Growth
Financial Markets
Financial Institutions and Services
General Economics and Teaching
Health, Education, and Welfare
History of Economic Thought
International Economics
Labour and Demographic Economics
Law and Economics
Macroeconomics and Monetary Economics
Microeconomics
Public Economics
Urban, Rural, and Regional Economics
Welfare Economics
Browse content in Education
Adult Education and Continuous Learning
Care and Counselling of Students
Early Childhood and Elementary Education
Educational Equipment and Technology
Educational Strategies and Policy
Higher and Further Education
Organization and Management of Education
Philosophy and Theory of Education
Schools Studies
Secondary Education
Teaching of a Specific Subject
Teaching of Specific Groups and Special Educational Needs
Teaching Skills and Techniques
Browse content in Environment
Applied Ecology (Social Science)
Climate Change
Conservation of the Environment (Social Science)
Environmentalist Thought and Ideology (Social Science)
Natural Disasters (Environment)
Social Impact of Environmental Issues (Social Science)
Browse content in Human Geography
Cultural Geography
Economic Geography
Political Geography
Browse content in Interdisciplinary Studies
Communication Studies
Museums, Libraries, and Information Sciences
Browse content in Politics
African Politics
Asian Politics
Chinese Politics
Comparative Politics
Conflict Politics
Elections and Electoral Studies
Environmental Politics
European Union
Foreign Policy
Gender and Politics
Human Rights and Politics
Indian Politics
International Relations
International Organization (Politics)
International Political Economy
Irish Politics
Latin American Politics
Middle Eastern Politics
Political Behaviour
Political Economy
Political Institutions
Political Methodology
Political Communication
Political Philosophy
Political Sociology
Political Theory
Politics and Law
Public Policy
Public Administration
Quantitative Political Methodology
Regional Political Studies
Russian Politics
Security Studies
State and Local Government
UK Politics
US Politics
Browse content in Regional and Area Studies
African Studies
Asian Studies
East Asian Studies
Japanese Studies
Latin American Studies
Middle Eastern Studies
Native American Studies
Scottish Studies
Browse content in Research and Information
Research Methods
Browse content in Social Work
Addictions and Substance Misuse
Adoption and Fostering
Care of the Elderly
Child and Adolescent Social Work
Couple and Family Social Work
Developmental and Physical Disabilities Social Work
Direct Practice and Clinical Social Work
Emergency Services
Human Behaviour and the Social Environment
International and Global Issues in Social Work
Mental and Behavioural Health
Social Justice and Human Rights
Social Policy and Advocacy
Social Work and Crime and Justice
Social Work Macro Practice
Social Work Practice Settings
Social Work Research and Evidence-based Practice
Welfare and Benefit Systems
Browse content in Sociology
Childhood Studies
Community Development
Comparative and Historical Sociology
Economic Sociology
Gender and Sexuality
Gerontology and Ageing
Health, Illness, and Medicine
Marriage and the Family
Migration Studies
Occupations, Professions, and Work
Organizations
Population and Demography
Race and Ethnicity
Social Theory
Social Movements and Social Change
Social Research and Statistics
Social Stratification, Inequality, and Mobility
Sociology of Religion
Sociology of Education
Sport and Leisure
Urban and Rural Studies
Browse content in Warfare and Defence
Defence Strategy, Planning, and Research
Land Forces and Warfare
Military Administration
Military Life and Institutions
Naval Forces and Warfare
Other Warfare and Defence Issues
Peace Studies and Conflict Resolution
Weapons and Equipment

< Previous chapter
Next chapter >

Sociological Research Ethics: Contributions and Controversies

Department of Anthropology and Sociology, The University of Western Australia

Australasian Human Research Ethics Consultancy Services; Murdoch University; University of Western Australia

Published: 10 November 2020
Cite Icon Cite
Permissions Icon Permissions

Sociology has been at the forefront of scholarly debate about how to engage in social research ethically. This chapter considers sociology’s contribution to some of the key contemporary debates in this area. It begins with an outline of philosophical approaches to the ethics of undertaking social research, considering how these have been applied in sociological research. It also engages with the question of ethics governance models. The chapter then focuses on five established and emerging areas of ethical debate: the nature and formalization of consent; the use of new technologies and online data; the complexities of data sharing; the growing impact of insights from intercultural and indigenous research; and issues in autoethnography. It concludes with a question about the wider implications of sociological research as a social governance strategy.

Together with anthropology and psychology, sociology has been at the forefront of scholarly debate about how to undertake social research in an ethical manner. It has engaged with, but also challenged, conventional interpretations of the basic principles of respect for people’s autonomy, beneficence, non-maleficence, and, perhaps most importantly, justice. Generic principles such as these have proven challenging to enact in practice. Difficulties emerge not only due to unforeseen issues arising from the research context but also as a consequence of increasing surveillance and governance by research ethics review bodies 1 and the necessity to comply with a sometimes competing and contradictory patchwork of national and institutional research ethics guidelines and standards largely not developed with sociology in mind (Schrag 2010 ). Additionally, sociology is internally diverse, both paradigmatically and methodologically. For example, research ethics regulation was largely constructed around the practices associated with hypothetico-deductive approaches, reducing concerns about autonomy to formal consent, confidentiality and privacy to anonymity, and social justice to the social distribution of a limited number of benefits. By contrast, sociologists and others have sought to engage with diverse context-specific constructions of individual and collective autonomy and agency, and recognize the complex relationships between research, policy formation, and social good.

In some parts of sociology, paradigmatic concerns have been bracketed out by using a “pragmatic” approach that does not attempt to adjudicate between positivist, constructivist, and critical understandings of social reality but promotes a “use what works” approach (Onwuegbuzie and Leech 2005 ). However, despite this, ethical issues have multiplied, partly as a result of growing legal and ethical recognition of the rights of participants and partly due to the breadth of new methods emerging in, and data sources available to, sociological research.

Sociologists working within universities are bound by the ethics codes of their institutions and funders, but for those outside academia, the responsibility to adhere to such codes or guidelines is informal. Professional associations often have sets of guidelines to assist researchers to make ethical decisions but they have not always responded to ethical questions with helpful guidance. The International Sociological Association’s ( 2001 ) Code of Ethics, unrevised since 2001, aims to protect the welfare of those with whom sociologists interact in research and guide the behavior of its members. The code covers matters of professional and research ethics and integrity, including relationships with the scientific community, sponsors, intellectual property, and the use and misuse of research results. It is brief, particularly in relation to data gathering, and does not refer to principles or link to resources. By contrast, the American Sociological Association ( 2018 ) maintains a set of resources on its website, including a code of ethics with six aspirational principles. These include professional competence; integrity; professional and scientific responsibility; respect for people’s rights, dignity, and diversity; social responsibility; and human rights. This code goes into some detail about questions of confidentiality, informed consent, use of deception, data sharing, and authorship, and as such offers practical advice to sociological researchers. We will touch on other examples of guidelines where appropriate through the course of this chapter.

Current ethical challenges that sociologists face include (but are not limited to) ongoing conflicts around the nature and formalization of consent; technological shifts which have seen the potential for data mining and data linkage, uses of big data, internet-based research more generally, and information and communications technology creating questions about the nature of information versus research data and the rights of those whose information this is; tensions around indigenous, international, and minority research and the extent to which ethical principles developed in very particular Global North contexts are universally applicable; recent calls for more open access to raw data, or “data sharing,” in the name of validity and research integrity but which challenge the researcher/participant relationship and informed consent principles; and the challenges of research methods such as autoethnography in terms of the right to privacy of people other than the author. To illustrate the range of ethical questions sociologists grapple with, in this chapter we explore these five areas of debate.

However first it is important to provide some context for the practice of ethical sociological research. Traditionally, approaches to research ethics have leaned on the philosophical dualism of consequentialist approaches (determining whether greater good than harm will result from the research in a particular context) and non-consequentialist approaches (basing ethical decisions on predetermined general principles—for example, that others should be treated with dignity and worth).

But there are other ways of thinking about ethics. Within virtue ethics (Banks 2018 ), ethical decisions are seen as being made based on the moral character of the decision maker. For example, Macfarlane ( 2010 ) identified a number of virtues that should characterize ethical researchers: reflexivity, humility, resoluteness, respectfulness, sincerity, and courage. More critical approaches recognize that interactions between researchers and research participants are grounded in broader structural relationships within society and that social research must recognize and respond to power differences structured around gender, age, class, race and ethnicity, and the Global North–South divide. These approaches prioritize research for, with, and ultimately by (rather than on) disempowered groups. One approach is that of the ethics of care, where emotion, rather than simply abstract principle, is seen as the legitimate foundation for moral decision-making, and where the value of maintaining neutral and distanced relationships with research participants in the pursuit of objectivity is challenged. Here, the focus is on care, compassion, and relationships; and the standpoint of the researcher and participants is recognized, particularly their relative position in hierarchies of power (Baier 1994 ; Gilligan 2011 ; Noddings 2003 ). Situated ethics recognizes that ethical decisions in research are context-dependent, responding to the specific conditions of the research. Thus, Hobbs (in Israel and Hay 2006 , 153) argues, “For most of us our everyday ethical decisions are not governed by formal codes. Decisions emerge situationally as part of the ongoing process of accruing cultural capital. It would be arrogant to expect academic labour to be any different.”

Indigenous approaches respond, among other things, to indigenous peoples’ criticisms of the individualist bias in dominant approaches to research ethics (Bishop 2008 ; Smith 2012 ; Tolich and Smith 2015 ). Advocates argue for an ethics founded on rights to full and fair participation in any processes, projects, and activities that impact on indigenous people and the right to control and maintain their culture and heritage. Similarly, “postcolonial approaches” recognize that contemporary social relations and social research practices occur in the presence or aftermath of colonialism. Research ethics governance thus renders as universal Eurocentric (or Global North) forms of knowledge and ethics, affecting how we choose the questions for and create relationships within our research. Postcolonial approaches favor cross-cultural dialogue, affirming the diversity of ethical approaches to research and critically reflecting on the role of the researcher in the research process, as well as recognizing the broader and situated relationships within which research occurs (Chilisa 2012 ).

Elements of these alternative approaches to ethics have been incorporated into some ethics guidelines over time. While the pattern differs between countries, disciplines, and institutions (Israel 2015 ), these other approaches are often left sitting uncomfortably alongside the traditionally biomedical focus and principlist orientation of most formal guidelines.

A final word before focusing on some contemporary issues in the ethics of sociological research. Social researchers across the board are becoming concerned with the increasing bureaucracy and regulation of their research practice. Kevin Haggerty ( 2004 , 394), a Canadian sociologist, has criticized the process of “ethics creep,” “a dual process whereby the regulatory structure of the ethics bureaucracy is expanding outward, colonizing new groups, practices and institutions, while at the same time intensifying the regulation of practices deemed to fall within its official ambit.” The result is social control, through a widening of the ethics regulation net and a tightening of its mesh. Sociological researchers can feel caught in this net, with a growing sense of surveillance over their work and disrespect for their professional integrity and judgment. Indeed, some sociologists have argued that research ethics regulation is actually aimed at fettering the professional autonomy of researchers (Hammersley and Traianou 2011 ). British sociologist Robert Dingwall ( 2016 ) argues that social scientists have been penalized for the past actions of medical scientists who have prioritized scientific knowledge over the rights of participants. He says, in contrast, social scientists have always cared about participants’ welfare. Dingwall points out that there is a significant social cost of the current ethics regime, specifically that it “obstructs innovation, creates profound areas of ignorance, and infantilizes human subjects … [contributing] to the use of societal resources in ways that are inefficient, ineffective, inequitable, and inhumane” (2016, 25). Some of the challenges outlined in the following sections are exacerbated by research ethics governance regimes, others create new issues for such regimes.

We have outlined the philosophical and regulatory context within which sociological research is conducted and turn now to consider a number of specific issues with which sociologists are grappling.

The Nature and Formalization of Consent

The principle of respect for persons is usually translated in practice as ensuring participants have provided consent for their participation in the research. Gaining informed consent may be relatively simple in some studies, for example participants give implicit consent by completing a survey or by signing a form prior to completing it. For other projects, the issue may be more complex. Sociologists have long realized the value of approaching consent as an active and iterative process that involves substantial understanding, autonomous action by the participant, lack of coercion or manipulation, and effective communication, to be pursued over the life cycle of the research from design to dissemination. Unfortunately, some ethics review bodies have been slower to acknowledge this. Building on the experiences of ethnographers employed by institutions in North America, Australasia, and the United Kingdom, Wynn and Israel ( 2018 ) note that ethics review bureaucracies tend to see signed, written consent forms administered at a single point in time as the default, best‐practice method for obtaining and documenting consent to participate in research. Oral consent is seen as an exception, with sociologists required to justify why they are not using signed consent. Indeed, Wynn and Israel quote a number of institutional and other policy documents that state that signed consent forms are “standard” and obtaining consent in another manner requires a “waiver.” While the requirement of written consent is not universal, they suggest that in several countries this demonstrates ethics review committees’ preference for form over function, a lack of recognition of the range of cultural contexts in which research occurs, and flawed assumptions about research methods. Researchers report seeing the requirement as being about institutional risk, a cynical attempt to protect universities from complaints and litigation, rather than a genuine concern for the rights of participants.

It is clear that there are some instances where informed consent in any form may be inappropriate. Sometimes the point of doing the research is to expose the actions of the powerful, but it is unlikely the powerful would be inclined to consent to this (Langlois 2011 ). Dave Whyte ( 2017 , 11) argued that we need to rethink research ethics in an environment where powerful institutions are able “to repel the advances of researchers, to strategically opt out of participation in research, and to manipulate the research process in a range of ways.” For example, Martha Huggins has researched police violations of human rights, including torture and murder, in Brazil for over 40 years. Due to the sensitivity of her topic, she represented her work to participants as a “comparative study about policemen’s lives in times of conflict and crisis” (Huggins and Glebbeek 2003 , 375). When studying the crimes of the powerful, it is difficult to imagine how consent could be obtained otherwise, but it is hardly “informed.” Whyte’s own work on the corrupt relationship between corporate and US state interests in the postwar reconstruction of Iraq saw him in Jordan covertly audiorecording conference proceedings, as well as his own conversations and those he “eavesdropped into” (Whyte 2017 , 9). Despite these instances where gaining informed consent is obviously inappropriate but the value of the research is clear, covert research is increasingly unlikely to be approved under the growing restrictions imposed by research governance regimes (Calvey 2017 ).

Sociologists using quantitative methods have perhaps been less concerned about the precise nature of consent, due to the lesser likelihood of potential harm through identification or personal hurt that their participants may face at an individual (though not necessarily a group) level. Participants still need to be told the nature of the research, however, particularly anything they may find sensitive, and the uses to which it will be put, and how their confidentiality will be ensured (if that is promised) (Bulmer 2001 ); but consent is generally assumed from completion of the survey.

Considering the ethics of meta-analyses, Cooper and Dent ( 2011 ) argue that even with studies that synthesize existing data that have undergone ethics review, there may be additional ethical issues. However, they focus on simply ensuring appropriate methodological decisions (selection of studies, assessment of bias, decisions around effect sizes, etc.) and explicit reporting of these, as well as questions of authoring (eg. should primary researchers be included as “authors” in meta-analyses?), and duplicate publications (eg. how legitimate is it to use the same data multiple times), and pay less attention to the issue of participant consent in the reuse of data for purposes other than those they may have consented to. Cooper and Dent reason, “if the data are not shared until they have been stripped of any and all identifying information, then the investigation is no longer research with human subjects,” and therefore consent is unnecessary (2011, 440). Overall, these are questions of integrity and standards of reporting, more than ethics, and provide little insight into the rights of those who have provided the information, and those who collected it.

We have outlined a number of issues related to the requirement to ensure participants have provided informed consent to the research. This concern has become even more complicated with the advent of new sources of data available through new media.

New Technologies and Online Data

New technologies have provided a wealth of data for sociological researchers interested in social interaction, communication, power, collectives, and more. Social media offers a non-intrusive and inexhaustible source of already created data held in an environment beyond the control of researchers (Halford 2018 ). Blogs, Facebook posts, Tweets, chatrooms, YouTube videos, Instagram, Tik Tok, WeChat - all offer potential research data. But whether already existing data online should be seen as “fair game” for researchers is a matter of debate. Should information posted for one purpose (communication) be available for another (research) (Mark and Gamble 2009 )? Research ethics guidelines have not yet caught up with the complexities generated by this new technology and the data opportunities it generates (Eynon, Fry, and Schroeder 2017 ). Indeed, there has been a significant “cultural lag” in how ethics review boards and funding bodies understand online data (Dahringer 2016 ), generating confusion and contradiction.

In 2002 the Association of Internet Researchers produced a set of recommendations regarding online research, Ethical Decision-making and Internet Research ; but, using a “process approach” and stressing ethical pluralism and a situational ethics, this consisted of a series of questions for researchers, rather than offering guidelines (Ess and AoIR Ethics Working Committee 2002 ). In 2012 a more developed and revised version was published, which recognized tensions around who is regarded as a human subject on the internet (and therefore subject to various rights) and the range of shades of public/private data available (Markham and Buchanan 2012 ). These documents have served sociologists seeking to reflect on undertaking ethical internet research.

The Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC), the main funding body for the social sciences in the United Kingdom, classifies online research as automatically involving greater than minimal ethical risk. Orton-Johnson ( 2010 ) has critiqued this assumption, arguing it ignores the methodological and disciplinary breadth of web-based enquiry, including the distinction between “research that treats online spaces and interactions as an object of social research, and research that uses technology as a methodological tool ” (emphasis in original). It also ignores the fact that online providers use personal data for marketing and other research and non-research purposes, often with minimal consent, without undergoing any ethics moderation.

Research ethics guidelines have also started including sections dealing with the use of online material. These are not necessarily consistent, however. The Canadian Tri-Council Policy Statement: Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans sees cyber-inhabitants not as participants but as members of virtual communities which may be studied using traditional non-intrusive naturalistic observation methods—as such, they are exempt from review if risk is minimal and if the sites are open access. It is only where a researcher makes contact with a cyber-inhabitant that that person becomes a potential “participant” and subject to ethics board review. Thus, the policy “recognizes the border between text-as-data and research participation” (Dahringer 2016 , 138).

On the other hand, the Australian National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Human Research (National Health and Medical Research Council ( 2007 , updated 2017, sec. 3.1.5) states that

Data or information available on the internet can range from information that is fully in the public domain (such as books, newspapers and journal articles), to information that is public, but where individuals who have made it public may consider it to be private, to information that is fully private in character. The guiding principle for researchers is that, although data or information may be publicly available, this does not automatically mean that the individuals with whom this data or information is associated have necessarily granted permission for its use in research. Therefore, use of such information will need to be considered in the context of the need for consent or the waiver of the requirement for consent by a reviewing body and the risks associated with the use of this information. (emphasis added)

While clear guidance is not provided, the general principle that the fact that the information is publicly available does not necessarily mean it is available for research purposes suggests that researchers cannot simply use public blogs or Twitter feeds, for example, as data sources. However, the argument could be made that such data do not differ significantly from material published in more traditional forms such as newspapers (either news content, advertisements, or letters to the editor), which would be seen as acceptable sources of material for sociological analysis. This was the claim made by the Tastes, Ties and Time (T3) researchers (Lewis et al. 2008 ; for a critique, see Zimmer 2010 ). This quantitative project harvested the Facebook data of an entire cohort of first-year students entering an American university, without their knowledge. The goal was to understand social connections, fashion and other cultural preferences, and changes over time. There were a number of criticisms leveled at this project, including that the university, and indeed some of the students, were easily identifiable, jeopardizing confidentiality, and that the data were subsequently made available to other researchers. But here our interest is simply in the use of the information as data. It was argued by the researchers that this material is merely “in the public square,” just as if the researcher was sitting down observing people interacting in a park. It is also arguable whether harm is likely and whether there is a benefit to be had from using such data rather than troubling potential participants to provide either new data or permission for its use. The range of ethics issues the project generated suggests that while it was given approval, both the researchers and the institutional review board were ill-equipped to consider the potential implications. Zimmer criticizes them for using a “harm-based theory of privacy protection” rather than a “dignity-based theory of privacy” (2010, 321), which respects the right of people not to have their information stripped, linked to other data sources, and used for research purposes without their knowledge.

Dahringer ( 2016 ) has argued that the border between public and private is blurred on the internet and, using Erving Goffman’s notion of social action as “staged” and internet activity as “performance,” suggests his distinction between “front stage” and “back stage,” public and private, is less clear online (see also Eynon, Fry, and Schroeder 2017 ). Cyber-inhabitants or netizens control information about themselves when they post but—as a series of high-profile examples reveals about how personal data have been scraped for commercial, political, or security ends—do not have control of how that information is used by individuals, private companies, political parties, or state agencies. Dahringer also makes the point that material released through Google and other search engines is no longer “owned” by the person who posts it, and therefore whether one can claim it has been “misused” in research, for example, is a moot point. Dahringer concludes, in contrast to some of the ethics guidelines quoted so far, that “it is possible to categorise almost all Internet activities as public interaction and thus exempt from review by a Research Ethics Board” (2016, 149). Reaching such a blanket conclusion is controversial as it ignores the ways that different communities might view and use particular online spaces or how terms and conditions associated with specific online platforms might conflict with traditional understandings of ethical research (Beninger et al. 2014 ; Ginnis 2017 ). As a result, Eynon, Fry, and Schroeder ( 2017 ) and Özkula ( 2020 ) argue that decisions about use of online data are always necessarily context-dependent.

One solution proposed by Markham ( 2012 ) is to use “fabrication,” developing typical examples by combining specific instances, to ensure anonymity. However, this can cause issues when seeking publication, as Markham was forced to confront when using composite blog posts, rather than direct quotes from actual blogs. And interestingly, Williams, Burnap, and Sloan ( 2017 ) found that Twitter users were generally not concerned about the uses of their tweets for research purposes (84 percent not at all or only slight concerned for academic research, 51 percent for government research, 49 percent for commercial research), but 80 percent would expect to be asked their consent and 90 percent expect anonymity.

The use of the internet to “experiment” on users also causes ethical dilemmas. Is it legitimate, for example, to manipulate people by interfering with their Facebook feeds to see whether more positive news generates more positive sentiment? This is what the “social contagion” study did (Kramer, Guillory, and Hancock 2014 ), and we might conclude that it generated valuable knowledge; but might also be concerned that it sets a dangerous precedent and shows significant disrespect for people.

Intercultural and Indigenous Research

Research across cultural difference has been a challenge that anthropologists have struggled with since their discipline’s inception (see Price, this volume). For sociologists, such concerns are perhaps more recent, and the notion of “intercultural” can mean a range of different things, including engagement across ethnic and racial difference but also differences of class, gender, sexualities, and so on. Sociologists recognize that these categories carry with them different ways of being in the world, and conducting research across these differences requires a particular set of skills and characteristics. In the extreme, it has been argued that it is inappropriate to undertake research on or with those who are “different” from the researcher. bell hooks, for example, argued researchers should simply stop talking about the “Other” since “speech about the ‘Other’ annihilates, erases … [the speaker remains] author, authority. I am still the coloniser, the speaking subject, and you are now at the center of my talk” (hooks 1990 , 151–152). For others, since difference is socially constructed, all populations are legitimate targets of research, under appropriate conditions and with the proper respect (Wilkinson and Kitzinger 1996 ).

In a post-structuralist context, we may wish to disrupt the notion of “social groups” (Brubaker 2004 ); and indeed, feminist scholar Anne Phoenix suggests that since race, gender, and class positions do not enter the research situation in a unitary way, “[p]rescriptions for matching the ‘race’ and/or gender of interviewers and respondents are thus too simplistic” (1994, 49). However, if we consider some of the abuses that have occurred with sociological work among indigenous peoples or migrant groups by outsiders, the contemporary relevance of the question is clear.

This issue reflects the broader concern about the imposition of ethics approaches developed in a particular cultural context being inserted into other contexts. Drawing on case studies of Brazil, South Africa, and Taiwan, Mark Israel argues that biomedical ethics, initially developed within the context of the United States, have been exported across much of the world as “part of broader international flows of capital, students and academics, as well as knowledge and ideology” (2018, 95; see also Gan and Israel 2019 ). When viewed within an analysis of neocolonialism and postcolonialism, the possibility arises that research ethics governance might form part of continuing violence to indigenous cultures even when it purports to protect indigenous communities. For example, prior to the introduction of new regulations in 2016, Brazilian social scientists argued that a paternalistic and unworkable biomedical regime of governance was hampering all research with Brazil’s indigenous communities irrespective of the methodology adopted or the relationship between researcher and participating communities (Santos 2006 ).

Indigenous peoples are particularly vulnerable in this regard. They, as well as other marginalized groups, have often been subjected to research about which they have had little say, from inception to conclusion. Such research has not applied the principle of respect nor been conducted with integrity, has appropriated their intellectual and cultural knowledge, and has also overridden alternative ways of understanding the world. The research has often not benefited the communities and, in some cases, has harmed them, in terms of pathologizing and reinforcing stereotypes.

As a result, ethics guidance often requires special care to be taken with indigenous peoples. For example, in the Australian context, the Australian “National Statement” (National Health and Medical Research Council 2007 ) and the “Guidelines for Ethical Research in Australian Indigenous Studies” (Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies 2012 ) identify reciprocity (benefit; dialogue; willingness to modify; policy impact), respect (Indigenous insights 2 ; contribution; appreciation; recognition), equality, responsibility (consultation; feedback), survival and protection (support for cohesiveness; attempt to ameliorate perpetuation of discrimination/prejudice; respect for values and beliefs; enhancing distinctiveness), and spirit and integrity, as the principles that should guide research with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. Some suggest that the only acceptable research using Indigenous people as participants is that which benefits Indigenous peoples.

New Zealand is relatively advanced in dealing with these questions. In appealing for more appropriate approaches to research ethics with Māori, Russell Bishop ( 1996 , 146) argued, “Such an approach challenges the fact that power and control over the research issues is located in another cultural frame of reference. Kaupapa Māori is challenging the dominance of individualistic research which primarily benefits the researcher and their agenda.” In Te Ara Tika: Guidelines for Māori Research Ethics (Hudson et al. 2010 ), research with Māori is seen as: involving an explicit political commitment to a participatory mode of consciousness at all stages (distinct from a Western “empowerment” model); rejection of the scientific model which imposes researcher-determined evaluation criteria such as internal and external validity, reliability, and objectivity since knowledge is seen as tapu (“sacred”); and immersion of the researcher into a “Māori” worldview, which means it is not a question of us/them, insider/outsider but that all those interested are seen as insiders, even the researcher.

The problem with some of these approaches is that they may restrict the type of research and research questions that can be asked because of restrictions on their form, and indeed the paradigm within which research can be undertaken. A further complication is that this approach tends to combine social science and community development models. As such, it may not be able to meet the demands of both the professional and research community and the indigenous communities. Additionally, there is a danger that models of community engagement assume a single shared community interest that rests on the exclusion of competing views and interests, such as those of internally less powerful players (due to age, gender, or other factors). The Canadian Tri-Council Policy Statement explicitly warns against this: “In engaging territorial or organizational communities, researchers should ensure, to the extent possible, that they take into consideration the views of all relevant sectors—including individuals and subgroups who may not have a voice in the formal leadership” (Canadian Institutes of Health Research, Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada, and Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada 2018 , art. 9.6). There are also challenges in meeting institutional requirements, which use an entirely different paradigm. The clash of cultures between ethics governance bodies and ethnic minority communities may lead to the sociologist being caught between, for example, a Western focus on individual autonomy (found in the requirement for individual signed consent) and more collective cultures (where consent is more appropriately given by a male leader or a consensus of elders). There is additional pressure from institutions, given the increasing demand for speed, as universities chase publications and impact, making it difficult to undertake these more collaborative approaches. Regardless, engaging with indigenous ethics is a necessary corrective to past experiences of appropriated knowledge and pathologization and may eventually make inroads into how ethics governance is undertaken.

Data Sharing

Journals, universities, and funding agencies are increasingly requiring social scientists to make their data available to other researchers, and even to the public, in the interests of “open scientific inquiry … the promotion of scientific accountability, innovation, and progress. [and] … proper data storage” (Mauthner 2016 , 206). Data reuse is seen as a cost-efficient use of public funds, reducing the burden on participants and communities, and as providing a useful resource for training. The ESRC in the United Kingdom takes data sharing for granted, requiring researchers to apply for an exemption if they do not wish to make their data available. Freedom of information legislation also theoretically could require researchers to make their data public.

But such requirements, developed in the context of medical research using quantitative data, may be inappropriate for qualitative sociological researchers (Tsai et al. 2016 ). Parry and Mauthner ( 2004 ), in an article entitled “Whose Data Are They Anyway?,” recognized unique issues associated with archiving qualitative as opposed to quantitative data. The main considerations are around confidentiality (is it possible to anonymize the data by changing the details without losing validity?) and informed consent (can participants know and consent to all potential future uses of their data at a single point in time, and alternatively what extra burden do repeated requests for consent place on participants? [see Grinyer 2009 ]). There is also the more philosophical issue of the reconfiguration of the relationship between researchers and participants (Broom, Cheshire, and Emmison 2009 ; Mauthner 2012 ), including moral responsibilities and commitments, potential violations of trust, and the risk of data misrepresentation (Bishop 2009 ). These scholars particularly note epistemological issues, including the joint construction of qualitative data and the reflexivity involved in preparing data for secondary analysis. They argue that these factors affect the viability of using such data for secondary analysis. In another argument, Mauthner ( 2012 ) asks about the moral ownership rights of the researcher who has generated the data.

Defending the practice, on the other hand, Bishop ( 2009 ) claims debates have been too narrowly focused on participants’ rights, ignoring the rights of other entities such as the scholarly community and the public. He argues that robust debate is needed on the issue and that no single ethical claim, be it of the researcher or the researched, is incontestable.

In terms of the mechanics of data sharing, Mauthner ( 2016 ) has challenged its regulation, arguing it fails to recognize data sharing as a relational practice. Instead, regulation institutionalizes a one-size-fits-all policy, ignoring context- and discipline-specific issues. Additionally, in practical terms, there is limited compliance with data-sharing mandates, so the point of such regulation is unclear. Indeed, in a study of 140 sociology journals, Zenk-Möltgen and Lepthien ( 2014 ) found that while few have explicit data policies, most refer to a common data-sharing policy of their publishers. But within these journals, very few articles actually offer access to their data, although authors who had published in journals with data policies (and higher-impact factors) were more likely to cite their data and to make it accessible. Of course, researchers have been sharing their data for decades, in a limited and self-regulated way. Playing on Haggerty’s notion of “ethics creep,” Mauthner ( 2016 ) critiques “regulation creep,” whereby regulators have made data sharing a moral responsibility associated with ethical research, when in fact it may be more ethical not to share data. Such regulations may also cause additional problems where transfer of personal data across national borders may be illegal or unethical. Thus, it has been argued that data sharing is simply inappropriate for some qualitative data (Chauvette, Schick-Makaroff, and Molzahn 2019 ).

Relating this issue to the previous section, there is a growing movement to recognize the rights of some communities to their own data. The notion of indigenous data sovereignty (Kukutai and Taylor 2016 ) attempts to operationalize the United Nations’ desire, based on the principle of self-determination, that disaggregated data should be available to indigenous peoples and that indigenous peoples should have control of their own data: “The concept of data sovereignty … is linked with indigenous peoples’ right to maintain, control, protect and develop their cultural heritage, traditional knowledge and traditional cultural expressions, as well as their right to maintain, control, protect and develop their intellectual property over these” (Kukutai and Taylor 2016 , xxii). The goal is that its use should enhance self-determination and development.

Autoethnography

The growing popularity of autoethnography as a sociological research method has resulted in considerable debate about the ethics of the approach. Perhaps a logical end-point of the reflexive turn in sociology, this method takes the researcher as its object of study. The “data” are the reflexive observations on the experiences, identities, attitudes, and behaviors of researchers themselves (thus more “auto” than “ethno,” according to Roth [ 2009 ]). Autoethnography is more than autobiography though, as the subjects tend to be everyday people, and ideally it goes beyond “narration of self to engage in cultural analysis and interpretation” (Tolich 2009 , 1606; see also Jones, Adams, and Ellis 2016 ). Recent examples include Zempi and Awan’s ( 2017 ) study of the nature, extent, and impact of Islamophobic victimization on researchers and their coping mechanisms and Emmerich’s ( 2019 ) autoethnography of his father’s experience of terminal cancer.

There are a number of ethical issues here. One is the deeply philosophical question of whether this method embodies an ethics of care or whether it is fundamentally narcissistic and not research at all (Delamont 2009 ; Roth 2009 ). It has been suggested it is more about “self-healing” than addressing a research question using validated tools. Tolich ( 2009 ) has asked whether autoethnography is more akin to journalism and therefore should be exempt from “research” ethics review. On the other hand, Lapadat ( 2017 , 589) regards the method as itself fundamentally “rooted in ethical intent.”

In terms of the practice of autoethnography, one concern is the potential to do harm to those who have not consented to be participants in research, in the traditional sense—as Tolich ( 2009 , 1599) has put it, “how the rights of the ‘other’ in autoethnography are weighted against the interests of the self when the starting point of research is one’s own sociological imagination and is likely to involve others.” This is partly because of the nature of these “participants” as “intimate others” (Ellis 2007 ) and the difficulty of protecting others’ privacy when writing about one’s own experiences (Chang 2008 ). Indeed, some ethics committees have insisted researchers gain retrospective consent from those who feature in the autoethnography, to ensure they approve of aspects of their lives coming under public scrutiny. However, this creates a conflict between the author’s right to publish and the rights of “participants” to decline “participation,” as well as a potentially coercive situation (see Emmerich 2019 ). Some have used noms de plume to anonymize the material. Others advocate a move away from traditional models of consent, arguing for a relational ethics in the production of a collaborative account (Denshire 2014 ; Ellis 2007 ), process ethics which develops consent over time (Tolich 2009 ), or the co-production of multivocal collaborative autoethnography (Lapadat 2017 ), where the text is co-constructed with two or more “researchers” working together to generate both the data and the analysis, shifting agency from the individual to the collective, and thus making the research non- (or less) exploitative. Lee Murray argues the very nature of anonymity and free and informed consent have different meanings in autoethnography and, using the Canadian Tri-Council Policy Statement: Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans , argues for “sensitive and thoughtful implementation of the spirit” of the guidelines (2016, 157).

As well as potential harm to others, Chatham-Carpenter ( 2010 ) notes the considerable risk of doing harm to oneself in the process of autoethnography, using her experience of writing an autoethnography about her journey with anorexia, during which unhealthy thinking and behaviors were (re)triggered by the research.

To engage some of these dilemmas, New Zealand sociologist Martin Tolich ( 2009 ) has outlined a list of 10 guidelines for the ethical application of autoethnography. He suggests “Autoethnographers should not publish anything they would not show the persons mentioned in the text,” advice taken from Medford ( 2006 ). It may be asked, however, given the principle of harm reduction, together with the desire of the researcher to uphold standards of validity and reliability (or more accurately trustworthiness and completeness), is this a reasonable constraint? If there is no chance of the person reading the work or if there is greater good to be achieved, then might there be cases where it would acceptable to publish material that might upset those who are its subjects (particularly in cases where there are power differentials)? For example, would Tamas ( 2011 ), writing about domestic violence, be required to show the research to her former spouse or consider the potential hurt that might be caused him, or is there a beneficence argument that outweighs the non-maleficence one? Tolich ( 2009 ) asserts his guidelines are not designed to “tame” autoethnography but to provide predictability and discipline to researchers using this method. However, the guidance does require a very high standard of care, which could make autoethnography unviable in many instances. Autoethnography remains an area of much debate within sociological research, with these issues best resolved on a case-by-case basis.

Conclusion and a Cautionary Note

We have attempted to outline some of the contemporary research ethics’ challenges that sociological researchers encounter in the course of their work. These issues range from the thorny old problem of the nature of consent and appropriate ways to ensure it to new and emerging issues to do with the effects of technological innovations on data collection, the growing voice of marginalized groups, the evolution of understandings of the nature of data ownership, and ultra-reflexive methods that shift the researcher from intermediary to object of study. Each of these is influenced by the evolution of understandings about the status of the researched from object to subject to partner, and the nature of data and the researcher’s relationship to it; as well as the extension of the reach of university and professional associations’ guidelines. Ethical researchers make decisions about the best ways to proceed through these challenges based on consequentialist, non-consequentialist, virtue ethics, or an array of other approaches. There are no right or wrong ways to approach these issues, but there are more and less convincing responses. This is why we have not come to definite conclusions about each of the areas discussed but have outlined arguments made for different courses of action.

We wish to conclude with a broader question about the ethics of sociological research more generally, particularly the uses to which it is put. Sociologists study the social world using a range of methods and asking a variety of questions, sometimes with a “social justice” leaning in relation to process (Hammersley and Traianou 2011 ) and preferred outcomes (Denzin and Lincoln 2008 ). These questions frequently have policy implications; indeed, many sociologists do not undertake research solely for the pursuit of knowledge but with an eye to generating an understanding of the world that can be used to improve it. But this fundamentally political impetus has ethical implications. Foucault saw sociology as complicit in the project of managing populations through the creation of knowledge about them, an exercise of power that he termed governmentality. He suggested, “this form of power cannot be exercised without knowing the inside of people’s minds, without exploring their souls, without making them reveal their innermost secrets” (Dreyfus and Rabinow 1982 , 214). In conducting research into the lives of people, to what extent are sociologists contributing to the surveillance and control of the populations they study, revealing their innermost secrets? Even where sociologists conduct their work in a manner that maintains ethical standards, to what extent are we complicit in this governance project? This is a wider ethical question, beyond the remit of this chapter; but it is something that ethical sociological researchers should keep at the forefront of their minds when designing and undertaking research.

American Sociological Association. 2018. “Code of Ethics.” https://www.asanet.org/sites/default/files/asa_code_of_ethics-june2018.pdf .

Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies. 2012. “Guidelines for Ethical Research in Australian Indigenous Studies (GERAIS).” https://aiatsis.gov.au/research/ethical-research/guidelines-ethical-research-australian-indigenous-studies .

Baier, Annette . 1994 . Moral Prejudices: Essays on Ethics . Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Google Scholar

Google Preview

Banks, Sarah . 2018 . “Cultivating Research Integrity: Virtue-Based Approaches to Research Ethics.” In Virtue Ethics in the Conduct and Governance of Social Science Research , edited by Nathan Emmerich , 21–44. Bingley, UK: Emerald.

Beninger, Kelsey , Alexandra Fry , Natalie Jago , Hayley Lepps , Laura Nass , and Hannah Silvester . 2014 . Research Using Social Media: Users’ Views . London: NatCen Social Research. http://www.natcen.ac.uk/media/282288/p0639-research-using-social-media-report-final-190214.pdf .

Bishop, Libby . 2009 . “ Ethical Sharing and Reuse of Qualitative Data. ” Australian Journal of Social Issues 44, no. 3: 255–272.

Bishop, Russell . 1996 . “Addressing Issues of Self-Determination and Legitimation in Kaupapa Maori Research.” In He Paepae Korero: Research Perspectives in Maori Education , edited by Bev Webber , 143–160. Wellington: New Zealand Council for Educational Research.

Bishop, Russell . 2008 . “Te Kotahitanga: Kaupapa Māori in Mainstream Classrooms.” In Handbook of Critical and Indigenous Methodologies , edited by Norman Denzin , Yvonna Lincoln , and Linda Smith , 439–458. Los Angeles: Sage.

Broom, Alex , Lynda Cheshire , and Michael Emmison . 2009 . “ Qualitative Researchers’ Understandings of Their Practice and the Implications for Data Archiving and Sharing. ” Sociology 43, no. 6: 1163–1180.

Brubaker, Rogers . 2004 . Ethnicity Without Groups . Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Bulmer, Martin . 2001 . “The Ethics of Social Research.” In Researching Social Life , edited by Nigel Gilbert , 45–57. London: Sage.

Calvey, David . 2017 . Covert Research: The Art, Politics and Ethics of Undercover Fieldwork . London: Sage.

Canadian Institutes of Health Research, Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada, and Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. 2018 . Tri-Council Policy Statement: Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans . Ottawa, ON, Canada: Secretariat on Responsible Conduct of Research. https://ethics.gc.ca/eng/documents/tcps2-2018-en-interactive-final.pdf .

Chang, Heewon . 2008 . Autoethnography as Method . Walnut Creek, CA: Left Coast Press.

Chatham-Carpenter, April . 2010 . “ ‘Do Thyself No Harm’: Protecting Ourselves as Autoethnographers. ” Journal of Research Practice 6, no. 1: M1. http://jrp.icaap.org/index.php/jrp/article/view/213/183 .

Chauvette, Amelia , Kara Schick-Makaroff , and Anita Molzahn . 2019 . “ Open Data in Qualitative Research. ” International Journal of Qualitative Methods 18. https://doi.org/10.1177/1609406918823863 .

Chilisa, Bagele . 2012 . Indigenous Research Methodologies . London: Sage.

Cooper, Harris , and Amy Dent . 2011 . “Ethical Issues in the Conduct and Reporting of Meta-Analysis.” In Handbook of Ethics in Quantitative Methodology , edited by Abigail Panter and Sonya Sterba , 417–444. New York and London: Routledge.

Dahringer, Heather . 2016 . “The Internet as a Stage: Privacy as Performance.” In The Ethics Rupture: Exploring Alternatives to Formal Research-Ethics Review , edited by Will van den Hoonaard and Ann Hamilton , 135–152. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

Delamont, Sara . 2009 . “ The Only Honest Thing: Autoethnography, Reflexivity and Small Crises in Fieldwork. ” Ethnography and Education 4, no. 1: 51–63.

Denshire, Sally . 2014 . “ On Auto-Ethnography. ” Current Sociology 62, no. 6: 831–850.

Denzin, Norman , and Yvonna Lincoln . 2008 . “Critical Methodologies and Indigenous Inquiry.” In Handbook of Critical and Indigenous Methodologies, edited by Norman Denzin , Yvonna Lincoln , and Linda Smith , 1–20. Los Angeles: Sage.

Dingwall, Robert . 2016 . “The Social Costs of Ethics Regulation.” In The Ethics Rupture: Exploring Alternatives to Formal Research-Ethics Review , edited by Will Van Den Hoonaard and Ann Hamilton , 25–42. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

Dreyfus, Hubert , and Paul Rabinow . 1982 . Michel Foucault: Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics . Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Ellis, Carolyn . 2007 . “ Telling Secrets, Revealing Lives: Relational Ethics in Research with Intimate Others. ” Qualitative Inquiry 13, no. 1: 3–29.

Emmerich, Nathan . 2019 . The Ethical “I” in Research: Autoethnography and Ethics . London: Sage.

Ess, Charles , and AoIR Ethics Working Committee. 2002 . Ethical Decision-Making and Internet Research: Recommendations from the AoIR Ethics Working Committee . Chicago: Association of Internet Researchers. http://aoir.org/reports/ethics.pdf .

Eynon, Rebecca , Jenny Fry , and Ralph Schroeder . 2017 . “The Ethics of Online Research.” In The SAGE Handbook of Online Research Methods , edited by Nigel Fielding , Raymond Lee , and Grant Blank , 19–37. London: Sage.

Gan, Zhen‐Rong , and Mark Israel . 2019 . “ Transnational Policy Migration, Interdisciplinary Policy Transfer and Decolonization: Tracing the Patterns of Research Ethics Regulation in Taiwan. ” Developing World Bioethics 20, no. 1: 5–15. https://doi.org/10.1111/dewb.12224 .

Gilligan, Carol . 2011 . Joining the Resistance . Cambridge: Polity Press.

Ginnis, Steven . 2017 . “Where Next for #Socialethics?” In The Ethics of Online Research , edited by Kandy Woodfield , 209–236. Bingley, UK: Emerald.

Grinyer, Anne . 2009 . “ The Ethics of the Secondary Analysis and Further Use of Qualitative Data. ” Social Research Update 56, no. 4: 1–4.

Haggerty, Kevin . 2004 . “ Ethics Creep: Governing Social Science Research in the Name of Ethics. ” Qualitative Sociology 27, no. 4: 391–414.

Halford, Susan . 2018 . “The Ethical Disruptions of Social Media Data: Tales from the Field.” In The Ethics of Online Research , edited by Kandy Woodfield , 13–25. Bingley, UK: Emerald.

Hammersley, Martyn , and Anna Traianou . 2011 . “ Moralism and Research Ethics: A Machiavellian Perspective. ” International Journal of Social Research Methodology 14, no. 5: 379–390.

hooks, bell . 1990 . Yearning: Race, Gender and Cultural Politics . Boston: South End Press.

Hudson, Maui , Moe Milne , Paul Reynolds , Khyla Russell , and Barry Smith . 2010 . Te Ara Tika: Guidelines for Māori Research Ethics: A Framework for Researchers and Ethics Committee Members . Auckland: Health Research Council of New Zealand. https://www.hrc.govt.nz/sites/default/files/2019-06/Resource%20Library%20PDF%20-%20Te%20Ara%20Tika%20Guidelines%20for%20Maori%20Research%20Ethics_0.pdf .

Huggins, Martha , and Marie-Louise Glebbeek . 2003 . “ Women Studying Violent Male Institutions: Cross-Gendered Dynamics in Police Research on Secrecy and Danger. ” Theoretical Criminology 7, no. 3: 363–387.

International Sociological Association. 2001. “Code of Ethics.” https://www.isa-sociology.org/en/about-isa/code-of-ethics .

Israel, Mark . 2015 . Research Ethics and Integrity for Social Scientists: Beyond Regulatory Compliance . London: Sage.

Israel, Mark . 2018 . “Ethical Imperialism? Exporting Research Ethics to the Global South.” In The SAGE Handbook of Qualitative Research Ethics , edited by Ron Iphofen and Martin Tolich , 89–102. London: Sage.

Israel, Mark , and Iain Hay . 2006 . Research Ethics for Social Scientists: Between Ethical Conduct and Regulatory Compliance . London: Sage.

Jones, Stacy Holman , Tony E. Adams , and Carolyn Ellis , eds. 2016 . Handbook of Autoethnography . New York: Routledge.

Kramer, Adam , Jamie Guillory , and Jeffrey Hancock . 2014 . “ Experimental Evidence of Massive-Scale Emotional Contagion through Social Networks. ” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 111, no. 24: 8788–8790.

Kukutai, Tahu , and John Taylor , eds. 2016 . Indigenous Data Sovereignty: Toward an Agenda . CAEPR Research Monograph 38. Acton, Australia: ANU Press.

Langlois, Anthony . 2011 . “ Political Research and Human Research Ethics Committees. ” Australian Journal of Political Science 46, no. 1: 141–156.

Lapadat, Judith . 2017 . “ Ethics in Autoethnography and Collaborative Autoethnography. ” Qualitative Inquiry 23, no. 8: 589–603.

Lewis, Kevin , Jason Kaufman , Marco Gonzalez , Andreas Wimmer , and Nicholas Christakis . 2008 . “ Tastes, Ties, and Time: A New Social Network Dataset Using Facebook.com. ” Social Networks 30, no. 4: 330–342.

Macfarlane, Bruce . 2010 . “Values and Virtues in Qualitative Research.” In New Approaches to Qualitative Research: Wisdom and Uncertainty , edited by Maggi Savin-Baden and Claire Howell Major , 18–27. New York and London: Routledge.

Mark, Melvin , and Chris Gamble . 2009 . “Experiments, Quasi-Experiments and Ethics.” In Handbook of Social Research Ethics , edited by Donna Mertens and Pauline Ginsberg , 198–213. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Markham, Annette . 2012 . “ Fabrication as Ethical Practice: Qualitative Inquiry in Ambiguous Internet Contexts. ” Information, Communication and Society 5, no. 3: 334–353.

Markham, Annette , and Elizabeth Buchanan . 2012 . Ethical Decision-Making and Internet Research: Recommendations from the AoIR Ethics Working Committee , Version 2.0. Chicago: Association of Internet Researchers. http://www.aoir.org/reports/ethics2.pdf .

Mauthner, Natasha . 2012 . “ ‘Accounting for Our Part of the Entangled Webs We Weave’: Ethical and Moral Issues in Digital Data Sharing.” In Ethics in Qualitative Research , edited by Tina Miller, Maxine Birch , Melanie Mauthner , and Julie Jessop , 157–175. London: Sage.

Mauthner, Natasha . 2016 . “Should Data Sharing Be Regulated?” In The Ethics Rupture: Exploring Alternatives to Formal Research-Ethics Review, edited by Will van den Hoonard and Ann Hamilton , 206–229. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

Medford, Kristina . 2006 . “ Caught with a Fake ID: Ethical Questions about Slippage in Autoethnography. ” Qualitative Inquiry 12, no. 5: 853–864.

Murray, Lee . 2016 . “Research Ethics Review Boards: Are They Ready for Auto-Ethnography?” In The Ethics Rupture: Exploring Alternatives to Formal Research-Ethics Review, edited by Will van den Hoonard and Ann Hamilton , 153–166. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

National Health and Medical Research Council. 2007. “National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Human Research.” Updated 2017. https://nhmrc.gov.au/research-policy/ethics/national-statement-ethical-conduct-human-research .

Noddings, Nel . 2003 . Caring: A Feminine Approach to Ethics & Moral Education . 2nd ed. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Onwuegbuzie, Anthony , and Nancy Leech . 2005 . “ On Becoming a Pragmatic Researcher. ” Journal of Social Research Methodology 8, no. 5: 375–387.

Orton-Johnson, Kate . 2010 . “ Ethics in Online Research: Evaluating the ESRC Framework for Research Ethics Categorisation of Risk. ” Sociological Research Online 15, no. 4: 126–130.

Özkula, Suay . 2020 . “ The Issue of ‘Context’: Data, Culture, and Commercial Context in Social Media Ethics. ” Journal of Empirical Research on Human Research Ethics 15, no. 1–2: 77–86.

Parry, Odette , and Natasha Mauthner . 2004 . “ Whose Data Are They Anyway? Practical, Legal and Ethical Issues in Archiving Qualitative Research Data. ” Sociology 38, no. 1: 139–152.

Phoenix, Ann . 1994 . “Practising Feminist Research: The Intersection of Gender and ‘Race’ in the Research Process.” In Researching Women’s Lives from a Feminist Perspective , edited by Mary Maynard and June Purvis , 49–71. New York: Taylor & Francis.

Roth, Wolff-Michael . 2009 . “ Auto/Ethnography and the Question of Ethics. ” Forum: Qualitative Social Research 10, no. 1: 38. http://www.qualitative-research.net/index.php/fqs/article/viewFile/1213/2646 .

Santos, Ricardo . 2006 . “Indigenous Peoples, Bioanthropological Research, and Ethics in Brazil: Issues in Participation and Consent.” In The Nature of Difference: Science, Society and Human Biology , edited by George Ellison and Alan Goodman , 181–202. Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press.

Schrag, Zachary . 2010 . Ethical Imperialism: Institutional Review Boards and the Social Sciences, 1965–2009 . Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

Smith, Linda . 2012 . Decolonising Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples . 2nd ed. London: Zed.

Tamas, Sophie . 2011 . “ Autoethnography, Ethics, and Making Your Baby Cry. ” Cultural Studies? Critical Methodologies 11, no. 3: 258–264.

Tolich, Martin . 2009 . “ A Critique of Current Practice: Ten Foundational Guidelines for Autoethnographers. ” Qualitative Health Research 20, no. 1: 1599–1610.

Tolich, Martin , and Barry Smith . 2015 . The Politicisation of Ethics Review in New Zealand . Auckland, New Zealand: Dunmore.

Tsai, Alexander , Brandon Kohrt , Lynn Matthews , Theresa Betancourt , Jooyoung Lee , Andrew Papachristos , et al. 2016 . “ Promises and Pitfalls of Data Sharing in Qualitative Research. ” Social Science & Medicine 169: 191–198.

Whyte, Dave . 2017 . Deception and the Powerful Research Subject: Uncovering Neo-Liberal Corruption in Post-War Iraq . London: SAGE Research Methods Cases.

Wilkinson, Sue , and Celia Kitzinger , eds. 1996 . Representing the Other: A Feminism & Psychology Reader . London: Sage.

Williams, Matthew , Pete Burnap , and Luke Sloan . 2017 . “ Towards an Ethical Framework for Publishing Twitter Data in Social Research: Taking into Account Users’ Views, Online Context and Algorithmic Estimation. ” Sociology 51, no. 6: 1149–1168.

Wynn, Lisa , and Mark Israel . 2018 . “ The Fetishes of Consent: Signatures, Paper, and Writing in Research Ethics Review. ” American Anthropologist 120, no. 4: 795–806.

Zempi, Irene , and Imran Awan . 2017 . “ Doing ‘Dangerous’ Autoethnography on Islamophobic Victimization. ” Ethnography 18, no. 3: 367–386.

Zenk-Möltgen, Wolfgang , and Greta Lepthien . 2014 . “ Data Sharing in Sociology Journals. ” Online Information Review 38, no. 6: 709–722.

Zimmer, Michael . 2010 . “ ‘But the Data Is Already Public’: On the Ethics of Research in Facebook. ” Ethics and Information Technology 12, no. 4: 313–325.

Called variously human research ethics committees (Australia), research ethics boards (Canada), research ethics committees (United Kingdom), and institutional review boards (United States).

Note that when referring to Australian Indigenous peoples we capitalize “Indigenous,” as is the convention.

About Oxford Academic
Publish journals with us
University press partners
What we publish
New features
Open access
Institutional account management
Rights and permissions
Get help with access
Accessibility
Advertising
Media enquiries
Oxford University Press
Oxford Languages
University of Oxford

Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide

Cookie settings
Cookie policy
Privacy policy
Legal notice

This Feature Is Available To Subscribers Only

This PDF is available to Subscribers Only

For full access to this pdf, sign in to an existing account, or purchase an annual subscription.

SOC101: Introduction to Sociology (2020.A.01)

Sociological research.

Read this chapter for a review of sociological research. As you read, consider the following topics:

Take note of the bold terms throughout the chapter.
Take some time to study Figure 1 and the accompanying text, which outline the scientific process of studying sociology.
Take note of the differences in scientific approaches to studying sociology, including surveys, field research, participant observation, ethnographies, case studies, experiments, and secondary data analysis.
Take note of the code of ethics and think about how these ethical standards are vital to conducting research about human subjects.

Research Methods

Learning objectives.

Differentiate between four kinds of research methods: surveys, field research, experiments, and secondary data analysis
Understand why different topics are better suited to different research approaches

Sociologists examine the world, see a problem or interesting pattern, and set out to study it. They use research methods to design a study - perhaps a detailed, systematic, scientific method for conducting research and obtaining data, or perhaps an ethnographic study utilizing an interpretive framework. Planning the research design is a key step in any sociological study. When entering a particular social environment, a researcher must be careful. There are times to remain anonymous and times to be overt. There are times to conduct interviews and times to simply observe. Some participants need to be thoroughly informed; others should not know they are being observed. A researcher wouldn't stroll into a crime-ridden neighborhood at midnight, calling out, "Any gang members around?" And if a researcher walked into a coffee shop and told the employees they would be observed as part of a study on work efficiency, the self-conscious, intimidated baristas might not behave naturally. This is called the Hawthorne effect - where people change their behavior because they know they are being watched as part of a study. The Hawthorne effect is unavoidable in some research. In many cases, sociologists have to make the purpose of the study known. Subjects must be aware that they are being observed, and a certain amount of artificiality may result. Making sociologists' presence invisible is not always realistic for other reasons. That option is not available to a researcher studying prison behaviors, early education, or the Ku Klux Klan. Researchers can't just stroll into prisons, kindergarten classrooms, or Klan meetings and unobtrusively observe behaviors. In situations like these, other methods are needed. All studies shape the research design, while research design simultaneously shapes the study. Researchers choose methods that best suit their study topics and that fit with their overall approaches to research. In planning studies' designs, sociologists generally choose from four widely used methods of social investigation: survey, field research, experiment, and secondary data analysis , or use of existing sources. Every research method comes with plusses and minuses, and the topic of study strongly influences which method or methods are put to use.

As a research method, a survey collects data from subjects who respond to a series of questions about behaviors and opinions, often in the form of a questionnaire. The survey is one of the most widely used scientific research methods. The standard survey format allows individuals a level of anonymity in which they can express personal ideas.

A photo of a person's hand filling in a survey check box labeled 'No' with a pen.

Figure 2.3 Questionnaires are a common research method; the U.S. Census is a well-known example. At some point, most people in the United States respond to some type of survey. The U.S. Census is an excellent example of a large-scale survey intended to gather sociological data. Not all surveys are considered sociological research, however, and many surveys people commonly encounter focus on identifying marketing needs and strategies rather than testing a hypothesis or contributing to social science knowledge. Questions such as, "How many hot dogs do you eat in a month?" or "Were the staff helpful?" are not usually designed as scientific research. Often, polls on television do not reflect a general population, but are merely answers from a specific show's audience. Polls conducted by programs such as American Idol or So You Think You Can Dance represent the opinions of fans but are not particularly scientific. A good contrast to these are the Nielsen Ratings, which determine the popularity of television programming through scientific market research.

An American Idol audience member voting for a contestant using an electronic response system that uses numbers as answers

Figure 2.4 American Idol uses a real-time survey system - with numbers - that allows members in the audience to vote on contestants. Sociologists conduct surveys under controlled conditions for specific purposes. Surveys gather different types of information from people. While surveys are not great at capturing the ways people really behave in social situations, they are a great method for discovering how people feel and think - or at least how they say they feel and think. Surveys can track preferences for presidential candidates or reported individual behaviors (such as sleeping, driving, or texting habits) or factual information such as employment status, income, and education levels. A survey targets a specific population , people who are the focus of a study, such as college athletes, international students, or teenagers living with type 1 (juvenile-onset) diabetes. Most researchers choose to survey a small sector of the population, or a sample : that is, a manageable number of subjects who represent a larger population. The success of a study depends on how well a population is represented by the sample. In a random sample , every person in a population has the same chance of being chosen for the study. According to the laws of probability, random samples represent the population as a whole. For instance, a Gallup Poll, if conducted as a nationwide random sampling, should be able to provide an accurate estimate of public opinion whether it contacts 2,000 or 10,000 people. After selecting subjects, the researcher develops a specific plan to ask questions and record responses. It is important to inform subjects of the nature and purpose of the study up front. If they agree to participate, researchers thank subjects and offer them a chance to see the results of the study if they are interested. The researcher presents the subjects with an instrument, which is a means of gathering the information. A common instrument is a questionnaire, in which subjects answer a series of questions. For some topics, the researcher might ask yes-or-no or multiple-choice questions, allowing subjects to choose possible responses to each question. This kind of quantitative data - research collected in numerical form that can be counted - are easy to tabulate. Just count up the number of "yes" and "no" responses or correct answers, and chart them into percentages. Questionnaires can also ask more complex questions with more complex answers - beyond "yes," "no," or the option next to a checkbox. In those cases, the answers are subjective and vary from person to person. How do plan to use your college education? Why do you follow Jimmy Buffett around the country and attend every concert? Those types of questions require short essay responses, and participants willing to take the time to write those answers will convey personal information about religious beliefs, political views, and morals. Some topics that reflect internal thought are impossible to observe directly and are difficult to discuss honestly in a public forum. People are more likely to share honest answers if they can respond to questions anonymously. This type of information is qualitative data - results that are subjective and often based on what is seen in a natural setting. Qualitative information is harder to organize and tabulate. The researcher will end up with a wide range of responses, some of which may be surprising. The benefit of written opinions, though, is the wealth of material that they provide. An interview is a one-on-one conversation between the researcher and the subject, and it is a way of conducting surveys on a topic. Interviews are similar to the short-answer questions on surveys in that the researcher asks subjects a series of questions. However, participants are free to respond as they wish, without being limited by predetermined choices. In the back-and-forth conversation of an interview, a researcher can ask for clarification, spend more time on a subtopic, or ask additional questions. In an interview, a subject will ideally feel free to open up and answer questions that are often complex. There are no right or wrong answers. The subject might not even know how to answer the questions honestly. Questions such as, "How did society's view of alcohol consumption influence your decision whether or not to take your first sip of alcohol?" or "Did you feel that the divorce of your parents would put a social stigma on your family?" involve so many factors that the answers are difficult to categorize. A researcher needs to avoid steering or prompting the subject to respond in a specific way; otherwise, the results will prove to be unreliable. And, obviously, a sociological interview is not an interrogation. The researcher will benefit from gaining a subject's trust, from empathizing or commiserating with a subject, and from listening without judgment.

Field Research

The work of sociology rarely happens in limited, confined spaces. Sociologists seldom study subjects in their own offices or laboratories. Rather, sociologists go out into the world. They meet subjects where they live, work, and play. Field research refers to gathering primary data from a natural environment without doing a lab experiment or a survey. It is a research method suited to an interpretive framework rather than to the scientific method. To conduct field research, the sociologist must be willing to step into new environments and observe, participate, or experience those worlds. In field work, the sociologists, rather than the subjects, are the ones out of their element. The researcher interacts with or observes a person or people and gathers data along the way. The key point in field research is that it takes place in the subject's natural environment, whether it's a coffee shop or tribal village, a homeless shelter or the DMV, a hospital, airport, mall, or beach resort.

A man is shown taking notes outside a tent in the mountains.

Figure 2.5 Sociological researchers travel across countries and cultures to interact with and observe subjects in their natural environments. While field research often begins in a specific setting, the study's purpose is to observe specific behaviors in that setting. Field work is optimal for observing how people behave. It is less useful, however, for understanding why they behave that way. You can't really narrow down cause and effect when there are so many variables floating around in a natural environment. Much of the data gathered in field research are based not on cause and effect but on correlation. And while field research looks for correlation, its small sample size does not allow for establishing a causal relationship between two variables.

Sociology in the Real World

Parrotheads as sociological subjects.

Several people in colorful T-shirts and leis are shown talking and drinking in an outdoor tiki bar setting.

Figure 2.6 Business suits for the day job are replaced by leis and T-shirts for a Jimmy Buffett concert. Some sociologists study small groups of people who share an identity in one aspect of their lives. Almost everyone belongs to a group of like-minded people who share an interest or hobby. Scientologists, folk dancers, or members of Mensa (an organization for people with exceptionally high IQs) express a specific part of their identity through their affiliation with a group. Those groups are often of great interest to sociologists. Jimmy Buffett, an American musician who built a career from his single top-10 song "Margaritaville," has a following of devoted groupies called Parrotheads. Some of them have taken fandom to the extreme, making Parrothead culture a lifestyle. In 2005, Parrotheads and their subculture caught the attention of researchers John Mihelich and John Papineau. The two saw the way Jimmy Buffett fans collectively created an artificial reality. They wanted to know how fan groups shape culture. What Mihelich and Papineau found was that Parrotheads, for the most part, do not seek to challenge or even change society, as many sub-groups do. In fact, most Parrotheads live successfully within society, holding upper-level jobs in the corporate world. What they seek is escape from the stress of daily life. At Jimmy Buffett concerts, Parrotheads engage in a form of role play. They paint their faces and dress for the tropics in grass skirts, Hawaiian leis, and Parrot hats. These fans don't generally play the part of Parrotheads outside of these concerts; you are not likely to see a lone Parrothead in a bank or library. In that sense, Parrothead culture is less about individualism and more about conformity. Being a Parrothead means sharing a specific identity. Parrotheads feel connected to each other: it's a group identity, not an individual one. In their study, Mihelich and Papineau quote from a recent book by sociologist Richard Butsch, who writes, "un-self-conscious acts, if done by many people together, can produce change, even though the change may be unintended" (2000). Many Parrothead fan groups have performed good works in the name of Jimmy Buffett culture, donating to charities and volunteering their services. However, the authors suggest that what really drives Parrothead culture is commercialism. Jimmy Buffett's popularity was dying out in the 1980s until being reinvigorated after he signed a sponsorship deal with a beer company. These days, his concert tours alone generate nearly $30 million a year. Buffett made a lucrative career for himself by partnering with product companies and marketing Margaritaville in the form of T-shirts, restaurants, casinos, and an expansive line of products. Some fans accuse Buffett of selling out, while others admire his financial success. Buffett makes no secret of his commercial exploitations; from the stage, he's been known to tell his fans, "Just remember, I am spending your money foolishly." Mihelich and Papineau gathered much of their information online. Referring to their study as a "Web ethnography," they collected extensive narrative material from fans who joined Parrothead clubs and posted their experiences on websites. "We do not claim to have conducted a complete ethnography of Parrothead fans, or even of the Parrothead Web activity," state the authors, "but we focused on particular aspects of Parrothead practice as revealed through Web research" (2005). Fan narratives gave them insight into how individuals identify with Buffett's world and how fans used popular music to cultivate personal and collective meaning. In conducting studies about pockets of culture, most sociologists seek to discover a universal appeal. Mihelich and Papineau stated, "Although Parrotheads are a relative minority of the contemporary US population, an in-depth look at their practice and conditions illuminate [sic] cultural practices and conditions many of us experience and participate in". Here, we will look at three types of field research: participant observation, ethnography, and the case study.

Participant Observation

In 2000, a comic writer named Rodney Rothman wanted an insider's view of white-collar work. He slipped into the sterile, high-rise offices of a New York "dot com" agency. Every day for two weeks, he pretended to work there. His main purpose was simply to see whether anyone would notice him or challenge his presence. No one did. The receptionist greeted him. The employees smiled and said good morning. Rothman was accepted as part of the team. He even went so far as to claim a desk, inform the receptionist of his whereabouts, and attend a meeting. He published an article about his experience in The New Yorker called "My Fake Job" (2000). Later, he was discredited for allegedly fabricating some details of the story and The New Yorker issued an apology. However, Rothman's entertaining article still offered fascinating descriptions of the inside workings of a "dot com" company and exemplified the lengths to which a sociologist will go to uncover material. Rothman had conducted a form of study called participant observation , in which researchers join people and participate in a group's routine activities for the purpose of observing them within that context. This method lets researchers experience a specific aspect of social life. A researcher might go to great lengths to get a firsthand look into a trend, institution, or behavior. Researchers temporarily put themselves into roles and record their observations. A researcher might work as a waitress in a diner, live as a homeless person for several weeks, or ride along with police officers as they patrol their regular beat. Often, these researchers try to blend in seamlessly with the population they study, and they may not disclose their true identity or purpose if they feel it would compromise the results of their research.

Waitress serves customers in an outdoor café.

Figure 2.7 Is she a working waitress or a sociologist conducting a study using participant observation? At the beginning of a field study, researchers might have a question: "What really goes on in the kitchen of the most popular diner on campus?" or "What is it like to be homeless?" Participant observation is a useful method if the researcher wants to explore a certain environment from the inside. Field researchers simply want to observe and learn. In such a setting, the researcher will be alert and open minded to whatever happens, recording all observations accurately. Soon, as patterns emerge, questions will become more specific, observations will lead to hypotheses, and hypotheses will guide the researcher in shaping data into results. In a study of small towns in the United States conducted by sociological researchers John S. Lynd and Helen Merrell Lynd, the team altered their purpose as they gathered data. They initially planned to focus their study on the role of religion in U.S. towns. As they gathered observations, they realized that the effect of industrialization and urbanization was the more relevant topic of this social group. The Lynds did not change their methods, but they revised their purpose. This shaped the structure of Middletown: A Study in Modern American Culture, their published results. The Lynds were upfront about their mission. The townspeople of Muncie, Indiana, knew why the researchers were in their midst. But some sociologists prefer not to alert people to their presence. The main advantage of covert participant observation is that it allows the researcher access to authentic, natural behaviors of a group's members. The challenge, however, is gaining access to a setting without disrupting the pattern of others' behavior. Becoming an inside member of a group, organization, or subculture takes time and effort. Researchers must pretend to be something they are not. The process could involve role playing, making contacts, networking, or applying for a job. Once inside a group, some researchers spend months or even years pretending to be one of the people they are observing. However, as observers, they cannot get too involved. They must keep their purpose in mind and apply the sociological perspective. That way, they illuminate social patterns that are often unrecognized. Because information gathered during participant observation is mostly qualitative, rather than quantitative, the end results are often descriptive or interpretive. The researcher might present findings in an article or book and describe what he or she witnessed and experienced. This type of research is what journalist Barbara Ehrenreich conducted for her book Nickel and Dimed. One day over lunch with her editor, as the story goes, Ehrenreich mentioned an idea. How can people exist on minimum-wage work? How do low-income workers get by? she wondered. Someone should do a study. To her surprise, her editor responded, Why don't you do it? That's how Ehrenreich found herself joining the ranks of the working class. For several months, she left her comfortable home and lived and worked among people who lacked, for the most part, higher education and marketable job skills. Undercover, she applied for and worked minimum wage jobs as a waitress, a cleaning woman, a nursing home aide, and a retail chain employee. During her participant observation, she used only her income from those jobs to pay for food, clothing, transportation, and shelter. She discovered the obvious, that it's almost impossible to get by on minimum wage work. She also experienced and observed attitudes many middle and upper-class people never think about. She witnessed firsthand the treatment of working class employees. She saw the extreme measures people take to make ends meet and to survive. She described fellow employees who held two or three jobs, worked seven days a week, lived in cars, could not pay to treat chronic health conditions, got randomly fired, submitted to drug tests, and moved in and out of homeless shelters. She brought aspects of that life to light, describing difficult working conditions and the poor treatment that low-wage workers suffer. Nickel and Dimed: On (Not) Getting By in America , the book she wrote upon her return to her real life as a well-paid writer, has been widely read and used in many college classrooms.

About 10 empty office cubicles are shown.

Figure 2.8 Field research happens in real locations. What type of environment do work spaces foster? What would a sociologist discover after blending in?

Ethnography

Ethnography is the extended observation of the social perspective and cultural values of an entire social setting. Ethnographies involve objective observation of an entire community. The heart of an ethnographic study focuses on how subjects view their own social standing and how they understand themselves in relation to a community. An ethnographic study might observe, for example, a small U.S. fishing town, an Inuit community, a village in Thailand, a Buddhist monastery, a private boarding school, or an amusement park. These places all have borders. People live, work, study, or vacation within those borders. People are there for a certain reason and therefore behave in certain ways and respect certain cultural norms. An ethnographer would commit to spending a determined amount of time studying every aspect of the chosen place, taking in as much as possible. A sociologist studying a tribe in the Amazon might watch the way villagers go about their daily lives and then write a paper about it. To observe a spiritual retreat center, an ethnographer might sign up for a retreat and attend as a guest for an extended stay, observe and record data, and collate the material into results.

Institutional Ethnography

Institutional ethnography is an extension of basic ethnographic research principles that focuses intentionally on everyday concrete social relationships. Developed by Canadian sociologist Dorothy E. Smith, institutional ethnography is often considered a feminist-inspired approach to social analysis and primarily considers women's experiences within male-dominated societies and power structures. Smith's work is seen to challenge sociology's exclusion of women, both academically and in the study of women's lives. Historically, social science research tended to objectify women and ignore their experiences except as viewed from the male perspective. Modern feminists note that describing women, and other marginalized groups, as subordinates helps those in authority maintain their own dominant positions. Smith's three major works explored what she called "the conceptual practices of power" and are still considered seminal works in feminist theory and ethnography.

The Making of Middletown: A Study in Modern U.S. Culture

In 1924, a young married couple named Robert and Helen Lynd undertook an unprecedented ethnography: to apply sociological methods to the study of one U.S. city in order to discover what "ordinary" people in the United States did and believed. Choosing Muncie, Indiana (population about 30,000), as their subject, they moved to the small town and lived there for eighteen months. Ethnographers had been examining other cultures for decades - groups considered minority or outsider - like gangs, immigrants, and the poor. But no one had studied the so-called average American. Recording interviews and using surveys to gather data, the Lynds did not sugarcoat or idealize U.S. life (PBS). They objectively stated what they observed. Researching existing sources, they compared Muncie in 1890 to the Muncie they observed in 1924. Most Muncie adults, they found, had grown up on farms but now lived in homes inside the city. From that discovery, the Lynds focused their study on the impact of industrialization and urbanization. They observed that Muncie was divided into business class and working class groups. They defined business class as dealing with abstract concepts and symbols, while working class people used tools to create concrete objects. The two classes led different lives with different goals and hopes. However, the Lynds observed, mass production offered both classes the same amenities. Like wealthy families, the working class was now able to own radios, cars, washing machines, telephones, vacuum cleaners, and refrigerators. This was an emerging material new reality of the 1920s. As the Lynds worked, they divided their manuscript into six sections: Getting a Living, Making a Home, Training the Young, Using Leisure, Engaging in Religious Practices, and Engaging in Community Activities. Each chapter included subsections such as "The Long Arm of the Job" and "Why Do They Work So Hard?" in the "Getting a Living" chapter. When the study was completed, the Lynds encountered a big problem. The Rockefeller Foundation, which had commissioned the book, claimed it was useless and refused to publish it. The Lynds asked if they could seek a publisher themselves. Middletown: A Study in Modern American Culture was not only published in 1929 but also became an instant bestseller, a status unheard of for a sociological study. The book sold out six printings in its first year of publication, and has never gone out of print (PBS). Nothing like it had ever been done before. Middletown was reviewed on the front page of the New York Times. Readers in the 1920s and 1930s identified with the citizens of Muncie, Indiana, but they were equally fascinated by the sociological methods and the use of scientific data to define ordinary people in the United States. The book was proof that social data was important - and interesting - to the U.S. public.

Early 20th century black and white photo showing female students at their desks.

Figure 2.9 A classroom in Muncie, Indiana, in 1917, five years before John and Helen Lynd began researching this "typical" U.S. community.

Sometimes a researcher wants to study one specific person or event. A case study is an in-depth analysis of a single event, situation, or individual. To conduct a case study, a researcher examines existing sources like documents and archival records, conducts interviews, engages in direct observation and even participant observation, if possible. Researchers might use this method to study a single case of, for example, a foster child, drug lord, cancer patient, criminal, or rape victim. However, a major criticism of the case study as a method is that a developed study of a single case, while offering depth on a topic, does not provide enough evidence to form a generalized conclusion. In other words, it is difficult to make universal claims based on just one person, since one person does not verify a pattern. This is why most sociologists do not use case studies as a primary research method. However, case studies are useful when the single case is unique. In these instances, a single case study can add tremendous knowledge to a certain discipline. For example, a feral child, also called "wild child," is one who grows up isolated from human beings. Feral children grow up without social contact and language, which are elements crucial to a "civilized" child's development. These children mimic the behaviors and movements of animals, and often invent their own language. There are only about one hundred cases of "feral children" in the world. As you may imagine, a feral child is a subject of great interest to researchers. Feral children provide unique information about child development because they have grown up outside of the parameters of "normal" child development. And since there are very few feral children, the case study is the most appropriate method for researchers to use in studying the subject. At age three, a Ukranian girl named Oxana Malaya suffered severe parental neglect. She lived in a shed with dogs, and she ate raw meat and scraps. Five years later, a neighbor called authorities and reported seeing a girl who ran on all fours, barking. Officials brought Oxana into society, where she was cared for and taught some human behaviors, but she never became fully socialized. She has been designated as unable to support herself and now lives in a mental institution. Case studies like this offer a way for sociologists to collect data that may not be collectable by any other method.

Experiments

You've probably tested personal social theories. "If I study at night and review in the morning, I'll improve my retention skills." Or, "If I stop drinking soda, I'll feel better." Cause and effect. If this, then that. When you test the theory, your results either prove or disprove your hypothesis. One way researchers test social theories is by conducting an experiment , meaning they investigate relationships to test a hypothesis - a scientific approach. There are two main types of experiments: lab-based experiments and natural or field experiments. In a lab setting, the research can be controlled so that perhaps more data can be recorded in a certain amount of time. In a natural or field-based experiment, the generation of data cannot be controlled but the information might be considered more accurate since it was collected without interference or intervention by the researcher. As a research method, either type of sociological experiment is useful for testing if-then statements: if a particular thing happens, then another particular thing will result. To set up a lab-based experiment, sociologists create artificial situations that allow them to manipulate variables. Classically, the sociologist selects a set of people with similar characteristics, such as age, class, race, or education. Those people are divided into two groups. One is the experimental group and the other is the control group. The experimental group is exposed to the independent variable(s) and the control group is not. To test the benefits of tutoring, for example, the sociologist might expose the experimental group of students to tutoring but not the control group. Then both groups would be tested for differences in performance to see if tutoring had an effect on the experimental group of students. As you can imagine, in a case like this, the researcher would not want to jeopardize the accomplishments of either group of students, so the setting would be somewhat artificial. The test would not be for a grade reflected on their permanent record, for example.

An Experiment in Action

The image shows a state police car that has pulled over another car near a highway exit.

Figure 2.10 Sociologist Frances Heussenstamm conducted an experiment to explore the correlation between traffic stops and race-based bumper stickers. This issue of racial profiling remains a hot-button topic today. A real-life example will help illustrate the experiment process. In 1971, Frances Heussenstamm, a sociology professor at California State University at Los Angeles, had a theory about police prejudice. To test her theory she conducted an experiment. She chose fifteen students from three ethnic backgrounds: black, white, and Hispanic. She chose students who routinely drove to and from campus along Los Angeles freeway routes, and who'd had perfect driving records for longer than a year. Those were her independent variables - students, good driving records, same commute route. Next, she placed a Black Panther bumper sticker on each car. That sticker, a representation of a social value, was the independent variable. In the 1970s, the Black Panthers were a revolutionary group actively fighting racism. Heussenstamm asked the students to follow their normal driving patterns. She wanted to see whether seeming support of the Black Panthers would change how these good drivers were treated by the police patrolling the highways. The dependent variable would be the number of traffic stops/citations. The first arrest, for an incorrect lane change, was made two hours after the experiment began. One participant was pulled over three times in three days. He quit the study. After seventeen days, the fifteen drivers had collected a total of thirty-three traffic citations. The experiment was halted. The funding to pay traffic fines had run out, and so had the enthusiasm of the participants.

Secondary Data Analysis

While sociologists often engage in original research studies, they also contribute knowledge to the discipline through secondary data analysis . Secondary data doesn't result from firsthand research collected from primary sources, but are the already completed work of other researchers. Sociologists might study works written by historians, economists, teachers, or early sociologists. They might search through periodicals, newspapers, or magazines from any period in history. Using available information not only saves time and money but can also add depth to a study. Sociologists often interpret findings in a new way, a way that was not part of an author's original purpose or intention. To study how women were encouraged to act and behave in the 1960s, for example, a researcher might watch movies, televisions shows, and situation comedies from that period. Or to research changes in behavior and attitudes due to the emergence of television in the late 1950s and early 1960s, a sociologist would rely on new interpretations of secondary data. Decades from now, researchers will most likely conduct similar studies on the advent of mobile phones, the Internet, or Facebook. Social scientists also learn by analyzing the research of a variety of agencies. Governmental departments and global groups, like the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics or the World Health Organization, publish studies with findings that are useful to sociologists. A public statistic like the foreclosure rate might be useful for studying the effects of the 2008 recession; a racial demographic profile might be compared with data on education funding to examine the resources accessible by different groups. One of the advantages of secondary data is that it is nonreactive research (or unobtrusive research), meaning that it does not include direct contact with subjects and will not alter or influence people's behaviors. Unlike studies requiring direct contact with people, using previously published data doesn't require entering a population and the investment and risks inherent in that research process. Using available data does have its challenges. Public records are not always easy to access. A researcher will need to do some legwork to track them down and gain access to records. To guide the search through a vast library of materials and avoid wasting time reading unrelated sources, sociologists employ content analysis , applying a systematic approach to record and value information gleaned from secondary data as they relate to the study at hand. But, in some cases, there is no way to verify the accuracy of existing data. It is easy to count how many drunk drivers, for example, are pulled over by the police. But how many are not? While it's possible to discover the percentage of teenage students who drop out of high school, it might be more challenging to determine the number who return to school or get their GED later. Another problem arises when data are unavailable in the exact form needed or do not include the precise angle the researcher seeks. For example, the average salaries paid to professors at a public school is public record. But the separate figures don't necessarily reveal how long it took each professor to reach the salary range, what their educational backgrounds are, or how long they've been teaching. When conducting content analysis, it is important to consider the date of publication of an existing source and to take into account attitudes and common cultural ideals that may have influenced the research. For example, Robert S. Lynd and Helen Merrell Lynd gathered research for their book Middletown: A Study in Modern American Culture in the 1920s . Attitudes and cultural norms were vastly different then than they are now. Beliefs about gender roles, race, education, and work have changed significantly since then. At the time, the study's purpose was to reveal the truth about small U.S. communities. Today, it is an illustration of 1920s' attitudes and values.

1.3 Theoretical Perspectives in Sociology

Learning objectives.

By the end of this section you should be able to:

Describe the ways that sociological theories are used to explain social institutions.
Differentiate between functionalism, conflict theory, and symbolic interactionism.

Sociologists study social events, interactions, and patterns, and they develop theories to explain why things work as they do. In sociology, a theory is a way to explain different aspects of social interactions and to create a testable proposition, called a hypothesis , about society (Allan 2006).

For example, although suicide is generally considered an individual phenomenon, Émile Durkheim was interested in studying the social factors that affect it. He studied social solidarity , social ties within a group, and hypothesized that differences in suicide rates might be explained by religious differences. Durkheim gathered a large amount of data about Europeans and found that Protestants were more likely to commit suicide than Catholics. His work supports the utility of theory in sociological research.

Theories vary in scope depending on the scale of the issues that they are meant to explain. Macro-level theories relate to large-scale issues and large groups of people, while micro-level theories look at very specific relationships between individuals or small groups. Grand theories attempt to explain large-scale relationships and answer fundamental questions such as why societies form and why they change. Sociological theory is constantly evolving and should never be considered complete. Classic sociological theories are still considered important and current, but new sociological theories build upon the work of their predecessors and add to them (Calhoun, 2002).

In sociology, a few theories provide broad perspectives that help explain many different aspects of social life, and these are called paradigms . Paradigms are philosophical and theoretical frameworks used within a discipline to formulate theories, generalizations, and the experiments performed in support of them. Three paradigms have come to dominate sociological thinking because they provide useful explanations: structural functionalism, conflict theory, and symbolic interactionism.

Functionalism

Functionalism , also called structural-functional theory, sees society as a structure with interrelated parts designed to meet the biological and social needs of the individuals in that society. Functionalism grew out of the writings of English philosopher and biologist, Herbert Spencer, who saw similarities between society and the human body. He argued that just as the various organs of the body work together to keep the body functioning, the various parts of society work together to keep society functioning (Spencer, 1898). The parts of society that Spencer referred to were the social institutions , or patterns of beliefs and behaviors focused on meeting social needs, such as government, education, family, healthcare, religion, and the economy.

Émile Durkheim applied Spencer’s theory to explain how societies change and survive over time. Durkheim believed that society is a complex system of interrelated and interdependent parts that work together to maintain stability (Durkheim, 1893), and that society is held together by shared values, languages, and symbols. He believed that to study society, a sociologist must look beyond individuals to social facts such as laws, morals, values, religious beliefs, customs, fashion, and rituals, which all serve to govern social life (Durkheim, 1895). Alfred Radcliffe-Brown (1881–1955), a social anthropologist, defined the function of any recurrent activity as the part it played in social life as a whole, and therefore the contribution it makes to social stability and continuity (Radcliffe-Brown 1952). In a healthy society, all parts work together to maintain stability, a state called dynamic equilibrium by later sociologists such as Parsons (1961).

Durkheim believed that individuals may make up society, but in order to study society, sociologists have to look beyond individuals to social facts. . Each of these social facts serves one or more functions within a society. For example, one function of a society’s laws may be to protect society from violence, while another is to punish criminal behavior, while another is to preserve public health.

Another noted structural functionalist, Robert Merton (1910–2003), pointed out that social processes often have many functions. Manifest functions are the consequences of a social process that are sought or anticipated, while latent functions are the unsought consequences of a social process. A manifest function of a college education, for example, includes gaining knowledge, preparing for a career, and finding a good job that utilizes that education. Latent functions of your college years include meeting new people, participating in extracurricular activities, or even finding a spouse or partner. Another latent function of education is creating a hierarchy of employment based on the level of education attained. Latent functions can be beneficial, neutral, or harmful. Social processes that have undesirable consequences for the operation of society are called dysfunctions . In education, examples of dysfunction include getting bad grades, truancy, dropping out, not graduating, and not finding suitable employment.

One criticism of the structural-functional theory is that it can’t adequately explain social change even though the functions are processes. Also problematic is the somewhat circular nature of this theory: repetitive behavior patterns are assumed to have a function, yet we profess to know that they have a function only because they are repeated. Furthermore, dysfunctions may continue, even though they don’t serve a function, which seemingly contradicts the basic premise of the theory. Many sociologists now believe that functionalism is no longer useful as a macro-level theory, but that it does serve a useful purpose in some mid-level analyses.

Big Picture

A global culture.

Sociologists around the world look closely for signs of what would be an unprecedented event: the emergence of a global culture. In the past, empires such as those that existed in China, Europe, Africa, and Central and South America linked people from many different countries, but those people rarely became part of a common culture. They lived too far from each other, spoke different languages, practiced different religions, and traded few goods. Today, increases in communication, travel, and trade have made the world a much smaller place. More and more people are able to communicate with each other instantly—wherever they are located—by telephone, video, and text. They share movies, television shows, music, games, and information over the Internet. Students can study with teachers and pupils from the other side of the globe. Governments find it harder to hide conditions inside their countries from the rest of the world.

Sociologists research many different aspects of this potential global culture. Some explore the dynamics involved in the social interactions of global online communities, such as when members feel a closer kinship to other group members than to people residing in their own countries. Other sociologists study the impact this growing international culture has on smaller, less-powerful local cultures. Yet other researchers explore how international markets and the outsourcing of labor impact social inequalities. Sociology can play a key role in people’s abilities to understand the nature of this emerging global culture and how to respond to it.

Conflict Theory

Conflict theory looks at society as a competition for limited resources. This perspective is a macro-level approach most identified with the writings of German philosopher and economist Karl Marx, who saw society as being made up of individuals in different social classes who must compete for social, material, and political resources such as food and housing, employment, education, and leisure time. Social institutions like government, education, and religion reflect this competition in their inherent inequalities and help maintain the unequal social structure. Some individuals and organizations are able to obtain and keep more resources than others, and these “winners” use their power and influence to maintain social institutions. The perpetuation of power results in the perpetuation of oppression.

Several theorists suggested variations on this basic theme like Polish-Austrian sociologist Ludwig Gumplowicz (1838–1909) who expanded on Marx’s ideas by arguing that war and conquest are the bases of civilizations. He believed that cultural and ethnic conflicts led to states being identified and defined by a dominant group that had power over other groups (Irving, 2007).

German sociologist Max Weber (1864–1920) agreed with Marx but also believed that, in addition to economic inequalities, inequalities of political power and social structure cause conflict. Weber noted that different groups were affected differently based on education, race, and gender, and that people’s reactions to inequality were moderated by class differences and rates of social mobility, as well as by perceptions about the legitimacy of those in power. A reader of Marx, Georg Simmel believed that conflict can help integrate and stabilize a society. He said that the intensity of the conflict varies depending on the emotional involvement of the parties, the degree of solidarity within the opposing groups, and the clarity and limited nature of the goals. Simmel also showed that groups work to create internal solidarity, centralize power, and reduce dissent. The stronger the bond, the weaker the discord. Resolving conflicts can reduce tension and hostility and can pave the way for future agreements.

In the 1930s and 1940s, German philosophers, known as the Frankfurt School, developed critical theory as an elaboration on Marxist principles. Critical theory is an expansion of conflict theory and is broader than just sociology, incorporating other social sciences and philosophy. A critical theory is a holistic theory and attempts to address structural issues causing inequality. It must explain what’s wrong in current social reality, identify the people who can make changes, and provide practical goals for social transformation (Horkeimer, 1982).

More recently, inequality based on gender or race has been explained in a similar manner and has identified institutionalized power structures that help to maintain inequality between groups. Janet Saltzman Chafetz (1941–2006) presented a model of feminist theory that attempts to explain the forces that maintain gender inequality as well as a theory of how such a system can be changed (Turner, 2003). Similarly, critical race theory grew out of a critical analysis of race and racism from a legal point of view. Critical race theory looks at structural inequality based on white privilege and associated wealth, power, and prestige.

Sociology in the Real World

Farming and locavores: how sociological perspectives might view food consumption.

The consumption of food is a commonplace, daily occurrence. Yet, it can also be associated with important moments in our lives. Eating can be an individual or a group action, and eating habits and customs are influenced by our cultures. In the context of society, our nation’s food system is at the core of numerous social movements, political issues, and economic debates. Any of these factors might become a topic of sociological study.

A structural-functional approach to the topic of food consumption might analyze the role of the agriculture industry within the nation’s economy and how this has changed from the early days of manual-labor farming to modern mechanized production. Another might study the different functions of processes in food production, from farming and harvesting to flashy packaging and mass consumerism.

A conflict theorist might be interested in the power differentials present in the regulation of food, by exploring where people’s right to information intersects with corporations’ drive for profit and how the government mediates those interests. Or a conflict theorist might examine the power and powerlessness experienced by local farmers versus large farming conglomerates, such as the documentary Food Inc., which depicts as resulting from Monsanto’s patenting of seed technology. Another topic of study might be how nutrition varies between different social classes.

A sociologist viewing food consumption through a symbolic interactionist lens would be more interested in microlevel topics, such as the symbolic use of food in religious rituals, or the role it plays in the social interaction of a family dinner. This perspective might also explore the interactions among group members who identify themselves based on their sharing a particular diet, such as vegetarians (people who don’t eat meat) or locavores (people who strive to eat locally produced food).

Just as structural functionalism was criticized for focusing too much on the stability of societies, conflict theory has been criticized because it tends to focus on conflict to the exclusion of recognizing stability. Many social structures are extremely stable or have gradually progressed over time rather than changing abruptly as conflict theory would suggest.

Symbolic Interactionist Theory

Symbolic interactionism is a micro-level theory that focuses on the relationships among individuals within a society. Communication—the exchange of meaning through language and symbols—is believed to be the way in which people make sense of their social worlds. Theorists Herman and Reynolds (1994) note that this perspective sees people as being active in shaping the social world rather than simply being acted upon.

George Herbert Mead is considered a founder of symbolic interactionism though he never published his work on it (LaRossa and Reitzes, 1993). Mead’s student, Herbert Blumer (1900-1987), coined the term “symbolic interactionism” and outlined these basic premises: humans interact with things based on meanings ascribed to those things; the ascribed meaning of things comes from our interactions with others and society; the meanings of things are interpreted by a person when dealing with things in specific circumstances (Blumer 1969). If you love books, for example, a symbolic interactionist might propose that you learned that books are good or important in the interactions you had with family, friends, school, or church. Maybe your family had a special reading time each week, getting your library card was treated as a special event, or bedtime stories were associated with warmth and comfort.

Social scientists who apply symbolic-interactionist thinking look for patterns of interaction between individuals. Their studies often involve observation of one-on-one interactions. For example, while a conflict theorist studying a political protest might focus on class difference, a symbolic interactionist would be more interested in how individuals in the protesting group interact, as well as the signs and symbols protesters use to communicate their message.

The focus on the importance of symbols in building a society led sociologists like Erving Goffman (1922-1982) to develop a technique called dramaturgical analysis . Goffman used theater as an analogy for social interaction and recognized that people’s interactions showed patterns of cultural “scripts.” He argued that individuals were actors in a play. We switched roles, sometimes minute to minute—for example, from student or daughter to dog walker. Because it can be unclear what part a person may play in a given situation, he or she has to improvise his or her role as the situation unfolds (Goffman, 1958).

Studies that use the symbolic interactionist perspective are more likely to use qualitative research methods, such as in-depth interviews or participant observation, because they seek to understand the symbolic worlds in which research subjects live.

Constructivism is an extension of symbolic interaction theory which proposes that reality is what humans cognitively construct it to be. We develop social constructs based on interactions with others, and those constructs that last over time are those that have meanings which are widely agreed-upon or generally accepted by most within the society. This approach is often used to examine what’s defined as deviant within a society. There is no absolute definition of deviance, and different societies have constructed different meanings for deviance, as well as associating different behaviors with deviance.

One situation that illustrates this is what you believe you’re to do if you find a wallet in the street. In the United States, turning the wallet in to local authorities would be considered the appropriate action, and to keep the wallet would be seen as deviant. In contrast, many Eastern societies would consider it much more appropriate to keep the wallet and search for the owner yourself. Turning it over to someone else, even the authorities, would be considered deviant behavior.

Research done from this perspective is often scrutinized because of the difficulty of remaining objective. Others criticize the extremely narrow focus on symbolic interaction. Proponents, of course, consider this one of its greatest strengths.

Sociological Theory Today

These three approaches still provide the main foundation of modern sociological theory though they have evolved. Structural-functionalism was a dominant force after World War II and until the 1960s and 1970s. At that time, sociologists began to feel that structural-functionalism did not sufficiently explain the rapid social changes happening in the United States at that time. The women’s movement and the Civil Rights movement forced academics to develop approaches to study these emerging social practices.

Conflict theory then gained prominence, with its emphasis on institutionalized social inequality. Critical theory, and the particular aspects of feminist theory and critical race theory, focused on creating social change through the application of sociological principles. The field saw a renewed emphasis on helping ordinary people understand sociology principles, in the form of public sociology.

Gaining prominence in the wake of Mead’s work in the 1920s and 1930s, symbolic interactionism declined in influence during the 1960s and 1970s only to be revitalized at the turn of the twenty-first century (Stryker, 1987). Postmodern social theory developed in the 1980s to look at society through an entirely new lens by rejecting previous macro-level attempts to explain social phenomena. Its growth in popularity coincides with the rise of constructivist views of symbolic interactionism.

As an Amazon Associate we earn from qualifying purchases.

This book may not be used in the training of large language models or otherwise be ingested into large language models or generative AI offerings without OpenStax's permission.

Want to cite, share, or modify this book? This book uses the Creative Commons Attribution License and you must attribute OpenStax.

Access for free at https://openstax.org/books/introduction-sociology-3e/pages/1-introduction

Authors: Tonja R. Conerly, Kathleen Holmes, Asha Lal Tamang
Publisher/website: OpenStax
Book title: Introduction to Sociology 3e
Publication date: Jun 3, 2021
Location: Houston, Texas
Book URL: https://openstax.org/books/introduction-sociology-3e/pages/1-introduction
Section URL: https://openstax.org/books/introduction-sociology-3e/pages/1-3-theoretical-perspectives-in-sociology

© Jan 18, 2024 OpenStax. Textbook content produced by OpenStax is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution License . The OpenStax name, OpenStax logo, OpenStax book covers, OpenStax CNX name, and OpenStax CNX logo are not subject to the Creative Commons license and may not be reproduced without the prior and express written consent of Rice University.

Want to create or adapt books like this? Learn more about how Pressbooks supports open publishing practices.

2.2 Stages in the Sociological Research Process

Learning objectives.

List the major stages of the sociological research process.
Describe the different types of units of analysis in sociology.
Explain the difference between an independent variable and a dependent variable.

Sociological research consists of several stages. The researcher must first choose a topic to investigate and then become familiar with prior research on the topic. Once appropriate data are gathered and analyzed, the researcher can then draw appropriate conclusions. This section discusses these various stages of the research process.

Choosing a Research Topic

The first step in the research process is choosing a topic. There are countless topics from which to choose, so how does a researcher go about choosing one? Many sociologists choose a topic based on a theoretical interest they may have. For example, Émile Durkheim’s interest in the importance of social integration motivated his monumental study of suicide that Chapter 1 “Sociology and the Sociological Perspective” discussed. Many sociologists since the 1970s have had a theoretical interest in gender, and this interest has motivated a huge volume of research on the difference that gender makes for behavior, attitudes, and life chances. The link between theory and research lies at the heart of the sociological research process, as it does for other social, natural, and physical sciences. Accordingly, this book discusses many examples of studies motivated by sociologists’ varied theoretical interests.

Many sociologists, such as the two pictured here, have a theoretical interest in gender that leads them to investigate the importance of gender for many aspects of the social world.

Francisco Osorio – CL Society 31: Sociologists – CC BY 2.0.

Many sociologists also choose a topic based on a social policy interest they may have. For example, sociologists concerned about poverty have investigated its effects on individuals’ health, educational attainment, and other outcomes during childhood, adolescence, and adulthood. Sociologists concerned about racial prejudice and discrimination have carried out many studies documenting their negative consequences for people of color. As Chapter 1 “Sociology and the Sociological Perspective” discussed and as this book emphasizes, the roots of sociology in the United States lie in the use of sociological knowledge to achieve social reform, and many sociologists today continue to engage in numerous research projects because of their social policy interests. The news story that began this chapter discussed an important example of this type of research. The “Sociology Making a Difference” box further discusses research of this type.

Sociology Making a Difference

Survey Research to Help the Poor

The Community Service Society (CSS) of New York City is a nonprofit organization that, according to its Web site ( http://www.cssny.org ), “engages in advocacy, research and direct service” to help low-income residents of the city. It was established about 160 years ago and has made many notable accomplishments over the years, including aiding the victims of the Titanic disaster in 1912, helping initiate the free school lunch program that is now found around the United States, and establishing the largest senior volunteer program in the nation.

A key component of the CSS’s efforts today involves gathering much information about the lives of poor New Yorkers through an annual survey of random samples of these residents. Because the needs of the poor are so often neglected and their voices so often unheard, the CSS calls this effort the Unheard Third survey, as the poor represent about one-third of the New York City population. The Unheard Third survey asks respondents their opinions about many issues affecting their lives and also asks them many questions about such matters as their health and health care needs, employment status and job satisfaction, debt, and housing. The CSS then uses all this information in reports about the needs of the poor and near-poor in New York that it prepares for city and state officials, the news media, and key individuals in the private sector. In these ways, the CSS uses survey research in the service of society. As its Web site ( http://www.cssny.org/research ) states, “research is a critical tool we use to increase our understanding of conditions that drive poverty as we advocate for public policy and programs that will improve the economic standing of low-income New Yorkers.”

A third source of inspiration for research topics is personal experience . Like other social scientists (and probably also natural and physical scientists), many sociologists have had various experiences during childhood, adolescence, or adulthood that lead them to study a topic from a sociological standpoint. For example, a sociologist whose parents divorced while the sociologist was in high school may become interested in studying the effects of divorce on children. A sociologist who was arrested during college for a political protest may become interested in studying how effective protest might be for achieving the aims of a social movement. A sociologist who acted in high school plays may choose a dissertation during graduate school that focuses on a topic involving social interaction. Although the exact number will never be known, many research studies in sociology are undoubtedly first conceived because personal experience led the author to become interested in the theory or social policy addressed by the study.

Conducting a Literature Review

Whatever topic is chosen, the next stage in the research process is a review of the literature. A researcher who begins a new project typically reads a good number of studies that have already been published on the topic that the researcher wants to investigate. In sociology, most of these studies are published in journals, but many are also published as books. The government and private research organizations also publish reports that researchers consult for their literature reviews.

Regardless of the type of published study, a literature review has several goals. First, the researcher needs to determine that the study she or he has in mind has not already been done. Second, the researcher needs to determine how the proposed study will add to what is known about the topic of the study. How will the study add to theoretical knowledge of the topic? How will the study improve on the methodology of earlier studies? How will the study aid social policy related to the topic? Typically, a research project must answer at least one of these questions satisfactorily for it to have a chance of publication in a scholarly journal, and a thorough literature review is necessary to determine the new study’s possible contribution. A third goal of a literature review is to see how prior studies were conducted. What research design did they use? From where did their data come? How did they measure key concepts and variables? A thorough literature review enhances the methodology of the researcher’s new study and enables the researcher to correct any possible deficiencies in the methodology of prior studies.

In “the old days,” researchers would conduct a literature review primarily by going to an academic library, consulting a printed index of academic journals, trudging through shelf after shelf of printed journals, and photocopying articles they found or taking notes on index cards. Those days are long gone, and thankfully so. Now researchers use any number of electronic indexes and read journal articles online or download a PDF version to read later. Literature reviews are still a lot of work, but the time they take is immeasurably shorter than just a decade ago.

Formulating a Hypothesis

After the literature review has been completed, it is time to formulate the hypothesis that will guide the study. As you might remember from a science class, a hypothesis is a statement of the relationship between two variables concerning the units of analysis the researcher is studying. To understand this definition, we must next define variable and unit of analysis . Let’s start with unit of analysis , which refers to the type of entity a researcher is studying. As we discuss further in a moment, the most common unit of analysis in sociology is a person, but other units of analysis include organizations and geographical locations. A variable is any feature or factor that may differ among the units of analysis that a researcher is studying. Key variables in sociological studies of people as the units of analysis include gender, race and ethnicity, social class, age, and any number of attitudes and behaviors. Whatever unit of analysis is being studied, sociological research aims to test relationships between variables or, more precisely, to test whether one variable affects another variable, and a hypothesis outlines the nature of the relationship that is to be tested.

Suppose we want to test the hypothesis that women were more likely than men to have voted for Obama in 2008. The first variable in this hypothesis is gender, whether someone is a woman or a man. (As Chapter 11 “Gender and Gender Inequality” discusses, gender is actually more complex than this, but let’s keep things simple for now.) The second variable is voting preference—for example, whether someone voted for Obama or McCain. In this example, gender is the independent variable and voting preference is the dependent variable. An independent variable is a variable we think can affect another variable. This other variable is the dependent variable , or the variable we think is affected by the independent variable (see Figure 2.3 “Causal Path for the Independent and Dependent Variable” ). When sociological research tests relationships between variables, it normally is testing whether an independent variable affects a dependent variable.

Figure 2.3 Causal Path for the Independent and Dependent Variable

Casual Path for the Independent and Dependent Variable goes from independent to dependent

Many hypotheses in sociology involve variables concerning people, but many also involve variables concerning organizations and geographical locations. As this statement is meant to suggest, sociological research is conducted at different levels, depending on the unit of analysis chosen. As noted earlier, the most common unit of analysis in sociology is the person ; this is probably the type of research with which you are most familiar. If we conduct a national poll to see how gender influences voting decisions or how race influences views on the state of the economy, we are studying characteristics, or variables, involving people, and the person is the unit of analysis. Another common unit of analysis in sociology is the organization . Suppose we conduct a study of hospitals to see whether the patient-to-nurse ratio (the number of patients divided by the number of nurses) is related to the average number of days that patients stay in the hospital. In this example, the patient-to-nurse ratio and the average number of days patients stay are both characteristics of the hospital, and the hospital is the unit of analysis. A third unit of analysis in sociology is the geographical location , whether it is cities, states, regions of a country, or whole societies. In the United States, for example, large cities generally have higher violent crime rates than small cities. In this example, the city is the unit of analysis.

The US separated into sections: west, south, midwest, and northeast

One of the units of analysis in sociological research is the geographical location. The major regions of the United States are often compared on various characteristics. In one notable finding, the South has the highest regional homicide rate.

Source: Adapted from http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Blank_US_Map.svg .

Measuring Variables and Gathering Data

After the hypothesis has been formulated, the sociologist is now ready to begin the actual research. Data must be gathered via one or more of the research designs examined later in this chapter, and variables must be measured. Data can either be quantitative (numerical) or qualitative (nonnumerical). Data gathered through a questionnaire are usually quantitative. The answers a respondent gives to a questionnaire are coded for computer analysis. For example, if a question asks whether respondents consider themselves to be politically conservative, moderate, or liberal, those who answer “conservative” might receive a “1” for computer analysis; those who choose “moderate” might receive a “2”; and those who say “liberal” might receive a “3.”

Data gathered through observation and/or intensive interviewing, research designs discussed later in this chapter, are usually qualitative. If a researcher interviews college students at length to see what they think about dating violence and how seriously they regard it, the researcher may make simple comparisons, such as “most” of the interviewed students take dating violence very seriously, but without really statistically analyzing the in-depth responses from such a study. Instead, the goal is to make sense of what the researcher observes or of the in-depth statements that people provide to an interviewer and then to relate the major findings to the hypothesis or topic the researcher is investigating.

The measurement of variables is a complex topic and lies far beyond the scope of this discussion. Suffice it to say that accurate measurement of variables is essential in any research project. In a questionnaire, for example, a question should be worded clearly and unambiguously. Take the following question, which has appeared in national surveys: “Do you ever drink more than you think you should?” This question is probably meant to measure whether the respondent has an alcohol problem. But some respondents might answer yes to this question even if they only have a few drinks per year if, for example, they come from a religious background that frowns on alcohol use; conversely, some respondents who drink far too much might answer no because they do not think they drink too much. A researcher who interpreted a yes response from the former respondents as an indicator of an alcohol problem or a no response from the latter respondents as an indicator of no alcohol problem would be in error.

As another example, suppose a researcher hypothesizes that younger couples are happier than older couples. Instead of asking couples how happy they are through a questionnaire, the researcher decides to observe couples as they walk through a shopping mall. Some interesting questions of measurement arise in this study. First, how does the researcher know who is a couple? Second, how sure can the researcher be of the approximate age of each person in the couple? The researcher might be able to distinguish people in their 20s or early 30s from those in their 50s and 60s, but age measurement beyond this gross comparison might often be in error. Third, how sure can the researcher be of the couple’s degree of happiness? Is it really possible to determine how happy a couple is by watching them for a few moments in the mall? What exactly does being happy look like, and do all people look this way when they are happy? These and other measurement problems in this particular study might be so severe that the study should not be done, at least if the researcher hopes to publish it.

After any measurement issues have been resolved, it is time to gather the data. For the sake of simplicity, let’s assume the unit of analysis is the person. A researcher who is doing a study “from scratch” must decide which people to study. Because it is certainly impossible to study everybody, the researcher only studies a sample , or subset of the population of people in whom the researcher is interested. Depending on the purpose of the study, the population of interest varies widely: it can be the adult population of the United States, the adult population of a particular state or city, all young women aged 13–18 in the nation, or countless other variations.

Many researchers who do survey research (discussed in a later section) study people selected for a random sample of the population of interest. In a random sample, everyone in the population (whether it be the whole U.S. population or just the population of a state or city, all the college students in a state or city or all the students at just one college, and so forth) has the same chance of being included in the survey. The ways in which random samples are chosen are too complex to fully discuss here, but suffice it to say the methods used to determine who is in the sample are equivalent to flipping a coin or rolling some dice. The beauty of a random sample is that it allows us to generalize the results of the sample to the population from which the sample comes. This means that we can be fairly sure of the attitudes of the whole U.S. population by knowing the attitudes of just 400 people randomly chosen from that population.

Other researchers use nonrandom samples, in which members of the population do not have the same chance of being included in the study. If you ever filled out a questionnaire after being approached in a shopping mall or campus student center, it is very likely that you were part of a nonrandom sample. While the results of the study (marketing research or social science research) for which you were interviewed might have been interesting, they could not necessarily be generalized to all students or all people in a state or in the nation because the sample for the study was not random.

High school classes often are used as a convenience sample in sociological and other social science research.

NWABR – 2009 Student Fellows – CC BY 2.0.

A specific type of nonrandom sample is the convenience sample , which refers to a nonrandom sample that is used because it is relatively quick and inexpensive to obtain. If you ever filled out a questionnaire during a high school or college class, as many students have done, you were very likely part of a convenience sample—a researcher can simply go into class, hand out a survey, and have the data available for coding and analysis within a few minutes. Convenience samples often include students, but they also include other kinds of people. When prisoners are studied, they constitute a convenience sample, because they are definitely not going anywhere. Partly because of this fact, convenience samples are also sometimes called captive-audience samples .

Another specific type of nonrandom sample is the quota sample . In this type of sample, a researcher tries to ensure that the makeup of the sample resembles one or more characteristics of the population as closely as possible. For example, on a campus of 10,000 students where 60% of the students are women and 40% are men, a researcher might decide to study 100 students by handing out a questionnaire to those who happen to be in the student center building on a particular day. If the researcher decides to have a quota sample based on gender, the researcher will select 60 women students and 40 male students to receive the questionnaire. This procedure might make the sample of 100 students more representative of all the students on campus than if it were not used, but it still does not make the sample entirely representative of all students. The students who happen to be in the student center on a particular day might be very different in many respects from most other students on the campus.

As we shall see later when research design is discussed, the choice of a design is very much related to the type of sample that is used. Surveys lend themselves to random samples, for example, while observation studies and experiments lend themselves to nonrandom samples.

Analyzing Data

After all data have been gathered, the next stage is to analyze the data. If the data are quantitative, the analysis will almost certainly use highly sophisticated statistical techniques beyond the scope of this discussion. Many statistical analysis software packages exist for this purpose, and sociologists learn to use one or more of these packages during graduate school. If the data are qualitative, researchers analyze their data (what they have observed and/or what people have told them in interviews) in ways again beyond our scope. Many researchers now use qualitative analysis software that helps them uncover important themes and patterns in the qualitative data they gather. However qualitative or quantitative data are analyzed, it is essential that the analysis be as accurate as possible. To go back to a point just made, this means that variable measurement must also be as accurate as possible, because even expert analysis of inaccurate data will yield inaccurate results. As a phrase from the field of computer science summarizes this problem, “garbage in, garbage out.” Data analysis can be accurate only if the data are accurate to begin with.

Criteria of Causality

As researchers analyze their data, they naturally try to determine whether their analysis supports their hypothesis. As noted above, when we test a hypothesis, we want to be able to conclude that an independent variable affects a dependent variable. Four criteria must be satisfied before we can conclude this (see Table 2.1 “Criteria of Causality” ).

Table 2.1 Criteria of Causality

First, the independent variable and the dependent variable must be statistically related . That means that the independent variable makes a statistical difference for where one ranks on the dependent variable. Suppose we hypothesize that age was related to voting preference in the 2008 presidential election. Here age is clearly the independent variable and voting preference the dependent variable. (It is possible for age to affect voting preference, but it is not possible for voting preference to affect age.) Exit poll data indicate that 66% of 18- to 24-year-olds voted for Obama in 2008, while only 45% of those 65 and older voted for him. The two variables are thus statistically related, as younger voters were more likely than older voters to prefer Obama.

The second criterion is called the causal order (or chicken-and-egg) problem and reflects the familiar saying that “correlation does not mean causation.” Just because an independent and a dependent variable are related does not automatically mean that the independent variable affects the dependent variable. It might well be that the dependent variable is affecting the independent. To satisfy this criterion, the researcher must be sure that the independent variable precedes the dependent variable in time or in logic. In the example just discussed, age might affect voting preference, but voting preference definitely cannot affect age. However, causal order is not as clear in other hypotheses. For example, suppose we find a statistical relationship between marital happiness and job satisfaction: the more happy people are in their marriage, the more satisfied they are with their jobs. Which makes more sense, that having a happy marriage leads you to like your job more, or that being satisfied with your work leads you to have a happier marriage? In this example, causal order is not very clear, and thus the second criterion is difficult to satisfy.

The third criterion involves spurious relationships . A relationship between an independent variable and dependent variable is spurious if a third variable accounts for the relationship because it affects both the independent and dependent variables. Although this sounds a bit complicated, an example or two should make it clear. If you did a survey of Americans 18 and older, you would find that people who attend college have worse acne than people who do not attend college. Does this mean that attending college causes worse acne? Certainly not. You would find this statistical relationship only because a third variable, age, affects both the likelihood of attending college and the likelihood of having acne: young people are more likely than older people to attend college, and also more likely—for very different reasons—to have acne. Controlling for age makes it clear that the original relationship between attending college and having acne was spurious. Figure 2.5 “Diagram of a Spurious Relationship” diagrams this particular spurious relationship; notice that there is no causal arrow between the attending college and having acne variables.

Figure 2.5 Diagram of a Spurious Relationship

In another example, the more fire trucks at a fire, the more damage the fire causes. Does that mean that fire trucks somehow make fires worse, as the familiar saying “too many cooks spoil the broth” might suggest? Of course not! The third variable here is the intensity of the fire: the more intense the fire, the more fire trucks respond to fight it, and the more intense the fire, the more damage it causes. The relationship between number of fire trucks and damage the fire causes is spurious.

The final criterion of causality is that our explanation for the relationship between the independent and dependent variables is the best explanation . Even if the first three criteria are satisfied, that does not necessarily mean the two variables are in fact related. For example, the U.S. crime rate dropped in the early 1980s, and in 1984 the reelection campaign of President Ronald Reagan took credit for this drop. This relationship satisfied the first three criteria: the crime rate fell after President Reagan took office in 1981, the drop in the crime rate could not have affected the election of this president, and there was no apparent third variable that influenced both why Reagan was elected and why the crime rate fell. However, social scientists pointed to another reason that accounted for the crime rate decrease during the 1980s: a drop in the birth rate some 15–20 years earlier, which led to a decrease during the early 1980s of the number of U.S. residents in the high-crime ages of 15–30 (Steffensmeier & Harer, 1991). The relationship between the election of Ronald Reagan and the crime rate drop was thus only a coincidence.

Drawing a Conclusion

Once the data are analyzed, the researcher finally determines whether the data analysis supports the hypothesis that has been tested, taking into account the criteria of causality just discussed. Whether or not the hypothesis is supported, the researcher (if writing for publication) typically also discusses what the results of the present research imply for both prior and future studies on the topic. If the primary purpose of the project has been to test or refine a particular theory, the conclusion will discuss the implications of the results for this theory. If the primary purpose has been to test or advance social policy, the conclusion will discuss the implications of the results for policy making relevant to the project’s subject matter.

Key Takeaways

Several stages compose the sociological research process. These stages include (a) choosing a research topic, (b) conducting a literature review, (c) measuring variables and gathering data, (d) analyzing data, and (e) drawing a conclusion.
Sociologists commonly base their choice of a research topic on one or more of the following: (a) a theoretical interest, (b) a social policy interest, and (c) one or more personal experiences.
Accurate measurement of variables is essential for sound sociological research. As a minimum, measures should be as clear and unambiguous as possible.

For Your Review

Consider the following question from a survey: “Generally speaking, are you very happy, somewhat happy, or not too happy?” Write a brief essay in which you evaluate how well this question measures happiness.
Think of a personal experience you have had that lends itself to a possible research project. Write a brief essay in which you describe the experience and discuss the hypothesis that the research project based on the experience would address.

Steffensmeier, D., & Harer, M. D. (1991). Did crime rise or fall during the Reagan presidency? The effects of an “aging” U.S. population on the nation’s crime rate. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 28 (3), 330–359.

Librarians/Admins

EBSCOhost Collection Manager
EBSCO Experience Manager
EBSCO Connect
Start your research
EBSCO Mobile App

Clinical Decisions Users

DynaMed Decisions
Dynamic Health
Waiting Rooms
NoveList Blog

Sociology & Social Work

Featured databases.

sociology source ultimate web thumbnail image

Research Databases

This bibliographic database indexes essential age-related content for gerontology research. Those interested in the field of geriatrics will benefit from this resource, which includes records covering key areas relevant to geriatric studies.

This database focuses exclusively on issues of aging and the population of people aged 50 years and older. Updated on a weekly basis, AgeLine is the premier online resource for social gerontology research.

This bibliographic database is today's source for references to the current and historical literature related to growth and development of children through the age of 21.

This bibliographic database provides the most comprehensive coverage of research, policy and practice literature in the fields of family science, human ecology, human development and social welfare.

With bibliographic records covering family dynamics topics, Family Studies Abstracts is an excellent source for family studies researchers. Scholars can access unique content and highly regarded works.

Peace Research Abstracts is a bibliographic database essential for peace and conflict resolution research. It indexes thousands of journal articles and other sources covering peace-related topics, including nonviolence, war, international affairs and peace psychology.

Delve into the science of psychology and behavior with APA PsycArticles, the database of full-text peer-reviewed articles published by the American Psychological Association and affiliated journals.

This database is the world's largest resource devoted to peer-reviewed literature in behavioral science and mental health. Produced by the American Psychological Association, it is an indispensable tool for the discovery of global scholarly research.

An essential resource for ethnic and racial studies, Race Relations Abstracts includes abstracting for the top academic journals, books, periodicals and newspapers related to the field.

SocINDEX with Full Text is a robust sociology research database. It provides full-text, peer-reviewed sociology journals covering many studies.

Covering the latest concepts, theories and methods from both applied and theoretical aspects of the social sciences, this full-text database includes the most important English-language social science journals.

Created by a multi-specialty editorial team, Social Work Reference Center is a turnkey information resource for social workers and mental health professionals. It covers a wide array of topics such as adolescent health, aging, end-of-life care, clinical social work and diversity. Content is organized in a way that makes it easy for users to get answers to questions quickly and easily.

Urban Studies Abstracts is a bibliographic research database essential to the study of cities and regions. It covers subjects of key relevance to the discipline.

This bibliographic database covers the essential topics related to the study of violence and abuse, including family violence, sexual assault, emotional abuse and others.

Sign up for the EBSCO Insights Newsletter for Academic Libraries

Be the first to hear about new EBSCO product releases, updates and enhancements.
Stay current on news, trends and relevant upcoming events for academic libraries.
Learn about product training, tutorials and tools to help promote and drive usage of EBSCO products in your library.

Business Country - Select your country - United States Australia Brazil Canada China Germany India Indonesia Mexico Philippines Spain United Kingdom Afghanistan Albania Algeria American Samoa Andorra Angola Anguilla Antigua and Barbuda Argentina Armenia Aruba Austria Azerbaijan Bahamas Bahrain Bangladesh Barbados Belgium Belize Benin Bermuda Bhutan Bolivia Bonaire, Sint Eustatius and Saba Bosnia and Herzegovina Botswana Brunei Darussalam Bulgaria Burkina Faso Burundi Cambodia Cameroon Cabo Verde Cayman Islands Central African Republic Chad Chile Colombia Congo, Democratic Republic of Congo Costa Rica Côte d'Ivoire Croatia Cuba Curaçao Cyprus Czechia Denmark Dominica Dominican Republic Ecuador Egypt El Salvador Eritrea Estonia Eswatini Ethiopia Faroe Islands Fiji Finland France French Guiana French Polynesia Gabon Gambia Georgia Ghana Gibraltar Greece Greenland Grenada Guadeloupe Guam Guatemala Guinea Guinea-Bissau Guyana Haiti Honduras Hong Kong Hungary Iceland Iraq Ireland Israel Italy Jamaica Japan Jordan Kazakhstan Kenya Korea, Republic of Kosovo Kuwait Kyrgyzstan Lao People's Democratic Republic Latvia Lebanon Lesotho Liberia Libya Liechtenstein Lithuania Luxembourg Macau North Macedonia Madagascar Malawi Malaysia Maldives Mali Malta Marshall Islands Martinique Mauritania Mauritius Micronesia, Federal State of Moldova, Republic of Monaco Mongolia Montenegro Montserrat Morocco Mozambique Myanmar Namibia Nepal Netherlands New Caledonia New Zealand Nicaragua Niger Nigeria Northern Mariana Islands Norway Oman Pakistan Palau Panama Papua New Guinea Paraguay Peru Poland Portugal Puerto Rico Qatar Réunion Romania Rwanda Saint Kitts and Nevis Saint Lucia Saint Vincent and the Grenadines Samoa San Marino Saudi Arabia Senegal Serbia Seychelles Sierra Leone Singapore Sint Maarten Saint Maarten Slovakia Slovenia Solomon Islands Somalia South Africa Sri Lanka Palestine, State of Suriname Sweden Switzerland Syrian Arab Republic Taiwan Tajikistan Tanzania Thailand Timor-Leste Togo Tonga Trinidad and Tobago Tunisia Türkiye Turkmenistan Turks and Caicos Islands Uganda Ukraine United Arab Emirates Uruguay Uzbekistan Vanuatu Venezuela Viet Nam Virgin Islands (U.S.) Yemen Zambia Zimbabwe

By submitting this form, you acknowledge that EBSCO Information Services will collect and process your personal information in accordance with its Privacy Policy , including the categories and purposes of use for such information as described here .

Leave this field blank

College of Arts & Sciences
Graduate Division
College of Liberal and Professional Studies

On Friday, February 23, the Sociology Department at the University of Pennsylvania held the 2nd Annual Lecture in Public Social Science celebrating Du Bois' research and impact from his important work in the Sociology field

On Friday, February 23, the Sociology Department at the University of Pennsylvania held the 2nd Annual Lecture in Public Social Science celebrating Du Bois' research and impact from his important work in the Sociology field that ground Sociological research still today. This year, the conversation took place between Dr. Aldon Morris , Leon Forrest Professor of Sociology and African American studies and Dr. Tukufu Zuberi, Lasry Family Professor of Race Relations and Sociology at the University of Pennsylvania. Dr. Morris is an award-winning scholar, educator, mentor, and civil rights activist. Morris has published a number of articles and books, including “The Scholar Denied: W. E. B. Du Bois and the Birth of Modern Sociology,” in which he emphasizes how Du Bois’ contributions to sociology were suppressed for decades due to institutional racism.

Dr. Zuberi's creation of this lecture in honor of Du Bois has only continued the interest in young scholars to examine, celebrate, and continue Du Bois' legacy because, as Dr. Morris coined, "he has something fresh to say." Read the full highlight on the event here: The legacy of W.E.B. Du Bois: ‘Something fresh to say’ | Penn Today

Report Accessibility Issues and Get Help

IMAGES

🌷 Good social work research topics. 70 Cutting. 2022-10-31
295 Sociology Research Topics and Tips to Consider
SOLUTION: Methods of sociological research process
Sociology GCSE Research Methods (9-1)
Follow These Steps to Write Your Sociological Research Paper Effectively
🌷 Examples of sociological research topics. 100+ Best Sociology

VIDEO

The role of values in sociological research
Sociology and Science
The Use of Sociological Methods in Criminological Research
Masters in Sociology and Data Analytics at UL #PostGradAtUL
Sociological Research Methods-II, B.A (Hons) Sociology CBCS, DU Previous year Question paper 2018
#Sociological Research|what is sociology| how people react in society| social movement|mass media|

COMMENTS

Work, Employment and Society: Sage Journals
Work, Employment and Society is a leading international peer-reviewed journal of the British Sociological Association which publishes theoretically informed and original research on the sociology of work. Work, Employment and Society covers all aspects of work, employment and unemployment, and their connections with wider social processes and social structures.
2.1 Approaches to Sociological Research
Critical sociology focuses on deconstruction of existing sociological research and theory. Informed by the work of Karl Marx, scholars known collectively as the Frankfurt School proposed that social science, as much as any academic pursuit, is embedded in the system of power constituted by the set of class, caste, race, gender, and other ...
Sociology of Work and Employment
The sociology of work and employment is concerned with the social relations, normative codes, and organizational structures that inform the behavior, experience, and identities of people during the course of their working lives. "Work" has of course taken a wide array of institutional forms across different cultures and historical periods ...
2.2: Approaches to Sociological Research
This page titled 2.2: Approaches to Sociological Research is shared under a CC BY 4.0 license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by OpenStax via source content that was edited to the style and standards of the LibreTexts platform; a detailed edit history is available upon request. Sociologists often begin the research process by asking a ...
Work/Life Balance
Overall, research suggests that work-life balance is important for both improved work and life outcomes, as well as improved societal outcomes. Aryee, S., E. S. Srinivas, and H. H. Tan. 2005. Rhythms of life: Antecedents and outcomes of work-family balance in employed parents. Journal of Applied Psychology 90.1: 132-146.
Meaningful Work and Sociology: An Introduction to This Themed Issue
The first article of this issue develops a distinct sociological theory of meaningful work. In 'Towards a Sociology of Meaningful Work', Jan Ch Karlsson and I combine selective social theory with conceptual and empirical research on the politics of working life and promote objective and subjective dimensions of autonomy, recognition and dignity as key theoretical pillars for analysing ...
Research in the Sociology of Work
Research in the Sociology of Work, Volume 29. A Gedenkschrift to Randy Hodson: Working with Dignity, Volume 28. Immigration and Work, Volume 27. Work and Family in the New Economy, Volume 26. Adolescent Experiences and Adult Work Outcomes: Connections and Causes, Volume 25.
2.2: Approaches to Sociological Research
Critical sociology focuses on deconstruction of existing sociological research and theory. Informed by the work of Karl Marx, scholars known collectively as the Frankfurt School proposed that social science, as much as any academic pursuit, is embedded in the system of power constituted by the set of class, caste, race, gender, and other ...
3.2 Approaches to Sociological Research
This step helps researchers gain a broad understanding of work previously conducted, identify gaps in understanding of the topic, and position their own research to build on prior knowledge. ... "Approaches to Sociological Research" from "2.1 Approaches to Sociological Research" by Tonja R. Conerly, Kathleen Holmes, Asha Lal Tamang in ...
(PDF) "Sociology of Work"
The sociology of work represents a subfield of economic sociology as a comprehensive sociological analysis of the economy in relation to society. Discover the world's research 25+ million members
Chapter 2. Sociological Research
Approaches to Sociological Research. Using the scientific method, a researcher conducts a study in five phases: asking a question, researching existing sources, formulating a hypothesis, conducting a study, and drawing conclusions. The scientific method is useful in that it provides a clear method of organizing a study.
2.2 Research Methods
Field Research. The work of sociology rarely happens in limited, confined spaces. Rather, sociologists go out into the world. They meet subjects where they live, work, and play. Field research refers to gathering primary data from a natural environment. To conduct field research, the sociologist must be willing to step into new environments and ...
Ch. 2 Introduction to Sociological Research
18 Work and the Economy. Introduction to Work and the Economy; 18.1 Economic Systems; 18.2 Globalization and the Economy; 18.3 Work in the United States; Key Terms; ... Sociological research attempts to answer a vast variety of questions, such as these and more, about our social world. We often have opinions about social situations, but these ...
Sociological Research Ethics: Contributions and Controversies
Sociological researchers can feel caught in this net, with a growing sense of surveillance over their work and disrespect for their professional integrity and judgment. Indeed, some sociologists have argued that research ethics regulation is actually aimed at fettering the professional autonomy of researchers (Hammersley and Traianou 2011).
Sociological Research: Research Methods
The work of sociology rarely happens in limited, confined spaces. Sociologists seldom study subjects in their own offices or laboratories. Rather, sociologists go out into the world. They meet subjects where they live, work, and play. Field research refers to gathering primary data from a natural environment without doing a lab experiment or a ...
2.3 Research Design in Sociology
Sociologists often do their own surveys, as does the government and many organizations in addition to Gallup. The survey is the most common research design in sociological research. Respondents either fill out questionnaires themselves or provide verbal answers to interviewers asking them the questions.
1.3 Theoretical Perspectives in Sociology
Sociologists study social events, interactions, and patterns, and they develop theories to explain why things work as they do. In sociology, a theory is a way to explain different aspects of social interactions and to create a testable proposition, called a hypothesis, about society (Allan 2006).. For example, although suicide is generally considered an individual phenomenon, Émile Durkheim ...
2.2 Stages in the Sociological Research Process
Key Takeaways. Several stages compose the sociological research process. These stages include (a) choosing a research topic, (b) conducting a literature review, (c) measuring variables and gathering data, (d) analyzing data, and (e) drawing a conclusion.
Sociology & Social Work Research Databases
It provides full-text, peer-reviewed sociology journals covering many studies. Covering the latest concepts, theories and methods from both applied and theoretical aspects of the social sciences, this full-text database includes the most important English-language social science journals. Created by a multi-specialty editorial team, Social Work ...
Sociological Methods & Research: Sage Journals
When your research depends on the very latest information on the collection, measurement and analysis of data, turn to Sociological Methods & Research (SMR).Each issue of SMR presents new techniques and innovative approaches to recurring research challenges and clarifies existing methods. The journal also provides state-of-the-art tools that researchers and academics need to increase the ...
On Friday, February 23, the Sociology Department at the University of
On Friday, February 23, the Sociology Department at the University of Pennsylvania held the 2nd Annual Lecture in Public Social Science celebrating Du Bois' research and impact from his important work in the Sociology field that ground Sociological research still today.

How to Subscribe

In This Article Expand or collapse the "in this article" section Work/Life Balance

Related Articles Expand or collapse the "related articles" section about

Other Subject Areas

Work/Life Balance by Misun Lim , Joya Misra LAST REVIEWED: 19 November 2020 LAST MODIFIED: 27 March 2019 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756384-0218

Research in the Sociology of Work

All books in this series (27 titles)

Recent chapters in this series (16 titles)

We’re listening — tell us what you think

All feedback is valuable

Join us on our journey

Questions & More Information

2.2: Approaches to Sociological Research

Learning Objectives

The Scientific Method

Step 1: Ask a Question or Find a Research Topic

Step 2: Review the Literature/Research Existing Sources

Step 3: Formulate a Hypothesis

Step 4: Design and Conduct a Study

Step 5: Draw Conclusions

Step 6: Report Results

Interpretive Framework

Critical Sociology

3.2 Approaches to Sociological Research

3.2.1 Developing a Research Question and the Steps of the Scientific Method

Step 1: Identify a Social Issue/Find a Research Topic and Ask a Question

Step 2: Review the Literature/Research Existing Sources

Step 3: Formulate a Hypothesis

Step 4: Select a Research Method and Design a Study

Step 5: Collect Data

Step 6: Analyze the Data

Step 7: Report Findings

3.2.2 Interpretive Framework

3.2.3 Grounded Theory

3.2.4 Critical Sociology

3.2.5 Licenses and Attributions for Approaches to Sociological Research

Share This Book

Chapter 2. Sociological Research

2.2. Research Methods

Introduction to Sociological Research

The Scientific Method

Ask a Question

Research Existing Sources

Formulate a Hypothesis

Experiments

Making Connections: Sociological Research

Field Research

Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World

Participant Observation

Ethnography

The Feminist Perspective: Institutional Ethnography

The Case Study

Secondary Data or Textual Analysis

Section Summary

Section Quiz

Short Answer

Further Research

Solutions to Section Quiz

Image Attributions

Share This Book

Sociological Research Ethics: Contributions and Controversies

The Nature and Formalization of Consent

New Technologies and Online Data

Intercultural and Indigenous Research

Data Sharing

Autoethnography

Conclusion and a Cautionary Note

This Feature Is Available To Subscribers Only

SOC101: Introduction to Sociology (2020.A.01)

Research Methods

Field Research

Sociology in the Real World

Participant Observation

Ethnography

Institutional Ethnography

The Making of Middletown: A Study in Modern U.S. Culture

Experiments

An Experiment in Action

Secondary Data Analysis

1.3 Theoretical Perspectives in Sociology